The Fight for the Republic in ChinaPutnam Weale, B. L. (Bertram Lenox)
History
The Fight for the Republic in China
Putnam Weale, B. L. (Bertram Lenox)
China -- History -- Republic, 1912-1949; China -- Politics and government
Its effect was immediate and very far-reaching. Men understood
that armed revolt was in the air. The almost Biblical fervour
which pervades this extraordinary document shows an unusual sense
of moral outrage. The masterly analysis of the Diaz regime in
Mexico coupled with the manner in which--always pretending to be
examining the conduct of the Mexican--he stabs at Yuan Shih-kai,
won the applause of a race that delights in oblique attacks and
was ample proof that great trouble was brewing. The document was
read in every part of China and everywhere approved. Although it
suffers from translation, the text remains singularly interesting
as a disclosure of the Chinese mentality; whilst the exhaustive
examination of political terms it contains shows that some day
Chinese will carry their inventive genius into fields they have
hitherto never openly invaded. Especially interesting is it to
contrast the arguments of such a man with those of a decadent such
as Yang Tu.
FROM REPUBLIC TO MONARCHY
Before I proceed with my argument I wish to make plain two points.
One is that I am not one of those reformers whose ears are their
brains, and who are intoxicated with the doctrine of
republicanism. I have, therefore, no partiality for the republican
form of government nor any bias for or against other forms of
government. This can be proved by my literary work during the last
ten years. The second point is that I am not one of the veteran
conservatives who lay so much stress on the importance of having a
dynasty. For such are the thoughts of men who only seek to adjust
themselves to existing conditions. If one wishes to consider the
present situation of the country without bias or prejudice he must
disregard the rise or fall of any particular family. Only those
who bear in mind these two points can read my argument with real
understanding.
I. THE QUESTION OF KUO-TI
Some time ago I said that, as political students, we should only
care for Cheng-ti, i.e., the form of government and not for kuo-
ti, i.e., the form of state. Do not call this trifling with words,
for it is a principle which all critics of politics should follow
and never depart from. The reason is that critics of politics
should not, because they cannot, influence the question of kuo-ti.
They should not influence the question of kuo-ti because so long
as the question of kuo-ti remains unsettled the major portion of
the administration remains at a stand-still. Thus there will be no
political situation properly so called and there will be no
political questions to discuss (here the term political means
really administrative). If a critic of politics, therefore,
interfere with the question of Kuo-ti, he will be leading the
nation into a condition of political instability, thus undermining
the ground on which the people stand. Such critics can be likened
unto a man trying to enter a house without ascending the steps or
crossing a river without a boat.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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