The Fight for the Republic in ChinaPutnam Weale, B. L. (Bertram Lenox)
History
The Fight for the Republic in China
Putnam Weale, B. L. (Bertram Lenox)
China -- History -- Republic, 1912-1949; China -- Politics and government
must be assumed that the Great President, who is greatly wise, is
not unaware of the same. The reason why Ch'i-chao ventures to
repeat them is this. He holds it true that a duty is laid on him
to submit whatever humble thoughts are his, and at the same time
he believes that the Great President will not condemn a proper
physic even though it may be cheap and simple. How fortunate will
Ch'i-chao be if advice so tendered shall meet with approval. He is
proceeding farther and farther away from the Palace every day and
he does not know how soon he will be able to seek an audience
again. He writes these words with tears dropping into the ink-slab
and he trusts that his words may receive the attention of the
Great President.
So ends this remarkable missive which has become an historic
document in the archives of the Republic. Once again it was
whispered that so great an impression did this fateful warning
produce on the Emperor-elect that he was within an ace of
cancelling the disastrous scheme which now enmeshed him. But in
the end family influence won the day; and stubbornly and doggedly
the doomed man pushed on with his attempt to crush revolt and
consolidate his crumbling position.
Every possible effort was made to minimize the effect of
international influence on the situation. As the sycophantic
vernacular press of the capital, long drilled to blind
subservience, had begun to speak of his enthronement as a
certainty on the 9th February, a Circular Note was sent to the
Five Allied Powers that no such date had been fixed, and that the
newspaper reports to that effect were inventions. In order
specially to conciliate Japan, a high official was appointed to
proceed on an Embassy to Tokio to grant special industrial
concessions--a manoeuvre which was met with the official refusal
of the Tokio Government to be so placated. Peking was coldly
informed that owing to "court engagements" it would be impossible
for the Emperor of Japan to receive any Chinese Mission. After
this open rebuff attention was concentrated on "the punitive
expedition" to chastise the disaffected South, 80,000 men being
put in the field and a reserve of 80,000 mobilized behind them. An
attempt was also made to win over waverers by an indiscriminate
distribution of patents of nobility. Princes, Dukes, Marquises,
Viscounts and Barons were created in great batches overnight only
to be declined in very many cases, one of the most precious
possessions of the Chinese race being its sense of humour. Every
one, or almost every one, knew that the new patents were not worth
the paper they were written on, and that in future years the
members of this spurious nobility would be exposed to something
worse than contempt. France was invited to close the Tonkin
frontier, but this request also met with a rebuff, and
revolutionists and arms were conveyed in an ever-more menacing
manner into the revolted province of Yunnan by the French
railways.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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