The Fight for the Republic in ChinaPutnam Weale, B. L. (Bertram Lenox)
History
The Fight for the Republic in China
Putnam Weale, B. L. (Bertram Lenox)
China -- History -- Republic, 1912-1949; China -- Politics and government
For once Chinese realize that parliamentary government is not
merely an experimental thing but the last chance the country is to
be given to govern itself, they will rally to the call and prove
that much of the trouble and turmoil of past years has been due to
the misunderstanding of the internal problem by Western minds,
which has incited the population to intrigue against one another
and remain disunited. And if we insist that there is urgent need
for a settlement of these matters in the terms we have indicated,
it is because we know very prcisely what Japanese thought on this
subject really is.
What is that thought--whither does it lead?
It may be broadly said that Japanese activities throughout the Far
East are based on a thorough and adequate appreciation of the fact
that apart from the winning of the hegemony of China, there is the
far more difficult and knotty problem of overshadowing and
ultimately dislodging the huge network of foreign interests--
particularly British interests--which seventy-five years of Treaty
intercourse have entwined about the country. These interests,
growing out of the seed planted in the early Canton Factory days,
had their origin in the termination by the act of the British
Government of the trading monopoly enjoyed until the thirties of
last century by the East India Company. Left without proper
definition until the Treaty of Nanking in 1842 had formally won
the principle of trading-rights at five open ports, and thus
established a first basis of agreement between England and China
(to which all the trading powers hastened to subscribe), these
interests expanded in a half-hearted way until 1860, when in order
to terminate friction, the principle of extraterritoriality was
boldly borrowed from the Turkish Capitulations, and made the rock
on which the entire fabric of international dealings in China was
based. These treaties, with their always-recurring "most-favoured
nation" clause, and their implication of equal treatment for all
Powers alike, constitute the Public Law of the Far East, just as
much as the Treaties between the Nations constitute the Public Law
of Europe; and any attempt to destroy, cripple, or limit their
scope and function has been very generally deemed an assault on
all the High Contracting Parties alike. By a thoroughly
Machiavellian piece of reasoning, those who have been responsible
for the framing of recent Japanese policy, have held it essential
to their plan to keep the world chained to the principle of
extraterritoriality and Chinese Tariff and economic subjection
because these things, imposing as they necessarily do restrictions
and limitations in many fields, leave it free to the Japanese to
place themselves outside and beyond these restrictions and
limitations; and, by means of special zones and secret
encroachments, to extend their influence so widely that ultimately
foreign treaty-ports and foreign interests may be left isolated
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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