The Flaming Sword in Serbia and ElsewhereStobart, M. A. (Mabel Annie)
History
The Flaming Sword in Serbia and Elsewhere
Stobart, M. A. (Mabel Annie)
World War, 1914-1918 -- Hospitals; World War, 1914-1918 -- Personal narratives
On the other hand, all Serbians realised that England had not yet
begun to understand the groundwork of Serbian politics. Even admitting
that England felt now goodwill towards Serbia, it was a goodwill which
was accidental, and due to extraneous circumstances, rather than
to appreciation of the motives which had actuated Serbia in taking
the field against superior enemies. And nothing in all history is
more wonderful than the way in which the Serbian people have, during
centuries, struggled, then suffered passively when struggle was
useless, then struggled again for their ideal; for an ideal which must
have been sub-conscious in the minds of a people who had lived for
centuries scattered amongst their tyrannical conquerors--the ideal of
race freedom.
The Serbian people could, at a price, have bought exemption from this
present annihilation, but at a price which would have killed for ever,
hope of the eventual freedom, not only of the four million Serbian and
Montenegrin Slavs, but of the seven million Slavs, now living in a
neighbouring and hostile State.
All Serbians also realised that England still had only a superficial
acquaintance with the Serbian character, and was still in the habit
of judging them by the unfortunate act which had first brought their
nation to the knowledge of the British public. Of that act they had
heard only through newspaper comments circulated by their enemies: the
extenuating circumstances had never been learned.
But England had not only exaggerated the shortcomings of the Serbians,
she had also exaggerated the virtues of the Bulgarians, and probably
never believed till the latter crossed the Serbian frontier, that
which every Serbian peasant had known from the beginning of the
war--namely, that the ambitions of the German Ferdinand were not based
upon the ideals of a democratic people, but upon the designs of a
Prince who was in sympathy with the military autocracy of the Central
Empires. Every Serbian knew that between Bulgo-German autocracy, and
Serbian democracy, there could be no affinity. England would, they
knew, discover this in time, but meanwhile Serbia was being sacrificed.
The confidence with which Serbians believed that when England
understood the ideal for which Serbia was struggling, she would extend,
not only the little finger, but the whole hand, of fellowship, moved
me almost more than their sufferings. And if, as a nation, we do not
fulfil the expectation that we, who have won our own freedom, shall
help the Serbians to win theirs, we can never look a democratic country
in the face again.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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