"We have come to ask what you intend to do," he demanded. Coleman, thoroughly surprised, with the full belief that the subject had all been settled in the previous interview, replied curtly. "I agree with you as to the grievances," rejoined the Governor, "but the courts are the proper remedy. The judges are good men, and there is no necessity for the people to turn themselves into a mob." "Sir!" cried Coleman. "This is no mob!--You know this is no mob!" The Governor went on to explain that it might become necessary to bring out all the force at his command. Coleman, though considerably taken aback, recovered himself and listened without comment. He realized that Sherman and the other men were present as witnesses. "I will report your remark to my associates," he contented himself with saying. The question of witnesses, however, bothered Coleman. He darted in to the committee room and shortly returned with witnesses of his own. "Let us now understand each other clearly," he resumed. "As I understand your proposal, it is that, if we make no move, you guarantee no escape, an immediate trial, and instant execution?" Johnson agreed to this. "We doubt your ability to do this," went on Coleman, "but we are ready to meet you half-way. This is what we will promise: we will take no steps without first giving you notice. But in return we insist that ten men of our own selection shall be added to the sheriff's force within the jail." Johnson, who was greatly relieved and delighted, at once agreed to this proposal, and soon withdrew. But the blunder he had made was evident enough. With Coleman, who was completely outside the law, he, as an executive of the law, had no business treating or making agreements at all. Furthermore, as executive of the State, he had no legal right to interfere with city affairs unless he were formally summoned by the authorities. Up to now he had merely been notified by private citizens. And to cap the whole sheaf of blunders, he had now in this private interview treated with rebels, and to their advantage. For, as Coleman probably knew, the last agreement was all for the benefit of the Committee. They gained the right to place a personal guard over the prisoners. They gave in return practically only a promise to withdraw that guard before attacking the jail--a procedure which was eminently practical if they cared anything for the safety of the guard. Johnson was thoroughly pleased with himself until he reached the hotel where the leaders of the opposition were awaiting him. Their keen legal minds saw at once the position in which he had placed himself. After a hasty discussion, it was decided to claim that the Committee had waived all right of action, and that they had promised definitely to leave the case to the courts. When this statement had been industriously circulated and Coleman had heard of it, he is said to have exclaimed: "The time has come. After that, it is either ourselves or a mob."