The Foundation of the Ottoman Empire; a history of the Osmanlis up to the death of Bayezid I (1300-1403)Gibbons, Herbert Adams
History
The Foundation of the Ottoman Empire; a history of the Osmanlis up to the death of Bayezid I (1300-1403)
Gibbons, Herbert Adams
Turkey -- History -- 1288-1453
[635] I am unable to agree with Alberi, _Rel. Ven. Ambasc._, 3rd
ser., vol. i, preface viii., ‘Secondo migliori testimonianze deve
rigettarsi per falsa la tradizione’, and Bruun, Notes to Hakluyt ed. of
Schiltberger, p. 21 _n._, ‘We are forced to conclude, after Hammer’s
searching inquiries, that there is no truth whatever in the story
of Bayezid having been confined by Timur in an iron cage’. Hammer’s
arguments, ii. 96-101, do not seem to me at all convincing. From the
philological point of view, they have been refuted by Weil, _Gesch. der
Chalifen_, ii. 92. From the historical point of view, there is just
as strong evidence for as against the litter with bars, which could
hardly have been any different from a cage. If one argues that Timur
did not subject his prisoner to this indignity, and advances that the
cage was really nothing more than a closed litter, such as was used for
ladies of the imperial harem, he is merely substituting one indignity
for another. From the character of Bayezid, one would infer that the
humiliation of being shut up like a lion in a cage would have been less
than that of being put into a harem litter like a woman, for whom the
conqueror had contempt rather than fear. There is no mention of the
iron cage in Schiltberger, Clavijo, and the Dominican Friar. But their
silence signifies nothing. They are excellent witnesses for the battle
of Angora itself, but knew little or nothing of what happened in Asia
Minor after Angora. One might just as well argue from Schiltberger’s
silence that Timur did not capture Smyrna! Nor does Sherefeddin mention
the humiliation of Bayezid, and the iron cage. But the story is given
in Arabshah, p. 210, who must be reckoned with as a contemporary
source. If, as de Salaberry, iv. 200-1, claims, the iron cage story was
inserted in Arabshah by his Ottoman editor and translator, Nazmi-zadé,
it only goes to show that the careful Ottoman students of his time
believed the story. The Ottoman historians, who are _without exception_
too late to be regarded as sources, and who had reasons for making
the degradation of the Ottoman sovereign as slight as possible, show
their knowledge of the early and contemporary character of this record
by trying to controvert it, and prove that Bayezid was carried on a
litter rather than in a cage, e. g. Seaddedin, i. 230. That the common
tradition among the Osmanlis, outside of the court chroniclers who were
compelled to uphold at all costs the dignity of the house of Osman, was
in favour of the cage story is proved conclusively by Ali Muhieddin,
Migne ed., col. 597, who is earlier than Seadeddin, and by Evliya
effendi, i. 29-30; ii. 21-22, who gives the story just as we find it
in Arabshah and the western writers. Sagredo, who follows Spandugino,
vigorously defends the cage story as opposed to the litter of the
Ottoman court chroniclers, and says that Bayezid died from striking
his head against the bars of his cage, pp. 25-6. In Lonicerus, fol.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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