Home rule -- Ireland; Ireland -- Politics and government
"Loyalty" to the Crown is a false issue. Disloyalty to the Crown is a
negligible factor in all parts of Ireland. Loyalty or disloyalty to a
certain political system is the real matter at issue. At the present day
the really serious objections to Home Rule on the part of the leading
Ulster Unionists seem to be economic. They have built up thriving trades
under the Union. They have the closest business connections with Great
Britain, and a mutual fabric of credit. They cherish sincere and
profound apprehensions that their business prosperity will suffer by any
change in the form of government. To scoff at these apprehensions is
absurd and impolitic in the last degree. But to reason against them is
also an almost fruitless labour. Those who feel them vaguely picture an
Irish Parliament composed of Home Rulers and Unionists, in the same
proportion to population as at present, and divided by the same bitter
and demoralizing feuds. But there will be no Home Rulers after Home
Rule, that is to say, if the Home Rule conceded is sufficient. I believe
that Ulster Unionists do not realize either the beneficent
transformation which will follow a change from sentimental to practical
politics in Ireland, as it has followed a similar change in every other
country in the Empire, or the enormous weight which their own fine
qualities and strong economic position will give them in the settlement
of Irish questions.
Nor do they realize, I venture to think, that any Irish Government,
however composed, will be a patriotic Government pledged and compelled
for its own credit and safety to do its best for the interests of
Ireland. I have never met an Irishman who was not proud of the northern
industries, and it is obvious that the industrial prosperity of the
north is vital to the fiscal and general interests of Ireland, just as
the far more wealthy mining interests of the Rand are vital to the
stability and prosperity of the Transvaal, and were regarded as such and
treated as such by the farmer majority of the Transvaal after the grant
of Home Rule. Those interests have prospered amazingly since, and in
that country, be it remembered, volunteer British corps raised on the
Rand had been the toughest of all the British foes which the peasant
commandos had to meet in a war ended only four years before.
If the fears of Ulster took any concrete form, it would be easier to
combat them; but they are unformulated, nebulous. Meanwhile, it is hard
to imagine what measure of oppression could possibly be invented by the
most malignant Irish Government which would not recoil like a boomerang
upon those in whose supposed interests it was framed. I shall have to
deal with this point again in discussing taxation, and need here only
remind the reader that Ulster is not a Province, any part of which could
possibly be injured by any form of taxation which did not hit other
Provinces equally.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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