France -- History -- Revolution, 1789-1799; France -- History -- Revolution, 1789-1799 -- Causes
Thousands of active men upon either side would have been only too
willing during the last hundred years to discover some such issue, and
it has proved undiscoverable. In a word, only those Democrats who know
little of the Catholic Church can say that of its nature it forbids
democracy; and only those Catholics who have a confused or imperfect
conception of democracy can say that of its nature it is antagonistic to
the Catholic Church.
Much that is taught by the purely temporal theory of the one is
indifferent to the transcendental and supernatural philosophy of the
other. In some points, where there is contact (as in the conception of
the dignity of man and of the equality of men) there is agreement. To
sum up, the Republican cannot by his theory persecute the Church; the
Church cannot by her theory excommunicate the Republican.
Why, then, it must next be asked, has there in practice arisen so
furious and so enormous a conflict, a conflict whose activity and whose
consequence are not narrowing but broadening to-day?
It may be replied to this second question, which is only less general
than the first, in one of two manners.
One may say that the actions of men are divided not by theories but by
spiritual atmospheres, as it were. According to this view men act under
impulses not ideal but actual: impulses which affect great numbers and
yet in their texture correspond to the complex but united impulses of an
individual personality. Thus, though there be no conflict demonstrable
between the theology of the Catholic Church and the political theory of
the Revolution, yet there may be necessary and fundamental conflict
between the _Persons_ we call the Revolution and the Church, and between
the vivifying principles by which either lives. That is one answer that
can be, and is, given.
Or one may give a totally different answer and say, “There was no
quarrel between the theology of the Catholic Church and the political
theory of the Revolution; but the folly of this statesman, the ill
drafting of that law, the misconception of such and such an institution,
the coincidence of war breaking out at such and such a moment and
affecting men in such and such a fashion--all these material accidents
bred a misunderstanding between the two great forces, led into conflict
the human officers and the human organisations which directed them; and
conflict once established feeds upon, and grows from, its own
substance.”
Now, if that first form of reply be given to the question we have posed,
though it is sufficient for the type of philosophy which uses it, though
it is certainly explanatory of all human quarrels, and though it in
particular satisfies a particular modern school of thought, it is
evident that history, properly so called, cannot deal with it.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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