France -- History -- Revolution, 1789-1799; France -- History -- Revolution, 1789-1799 -- Causes
There was, even in that same seventeenth century, a separate, but
futile, attempt to destroy Catholicism in Ireland. In Germany a struggle
of the utmost violence had only led to a similar regional result. The
first third of that hundred years concluded in the Peace of Westphalia,
and left the Protestant and Catholic territorial divisions much what we
now know them.
In France, however, the peculiar phenomenon remained of a body powerful
in numbers and (what was far more important) in wealth and social power,
scattered throughout the territory of the kingdom, organised and, by
this time, fixedly anti-Catholic, and therefore anti-national.
The nation had recovered its traditional line and had insisted upon the
victory of a strong executive, and that executive Catholic. France,
therefore, in this period of settlement, became an absolute monarchy
whose chief possessed tremendous and immediate powers, and a monarchy
which incorporated with itself all the great elements of the national
tradition, _including the Church_.
It is the name of Louis XIV, of course, which symbolises this great
time; his very long reign precisely corresponds to it. He was born
coincidently with that universal struggle for a religious settlement in
Europe, which I have described as characteristic of the time; he died
precisely at its close; and under him it seemed as though the
reconstructed power of Gaul and the defence of organised Catholicism
were to be synonymous.
But there were two elements of disruption in that homogeneous body which
Louis XIV apparently commanded. The very fact that the Church had thus
become in France an unshakable national institution, chilled the vital
source of Catholicism. Not only did the hierarchy stand in a perpetual
suspicion of the Roman See, and toy with the conception of national
independence, but they, and all the official organisation of French
Catholicism, put the security of the national establishment and its
intimate attachment to the general political structure of the State, far
beyond the sanctity of Catholic dogma or the practice of Catholic
morals.
That political structure--the French monarchy--seemed to be of granite
and eternal. Had it indeed survived, the Church in Gaul would doubtless,
in spite of its attachment to so mundane a thing as the crown, have
still survived to enjoy one of those resurrections which have never
failed it in the past, and would have returned, by some creative
reaction, to its principle of life. But for the moment the consequence
of this fixed political establishment was that scepticism, and all those
other active forces of the mind which play upon religion in any Catholic
State, had full opportunity. The Church was, so to speak, not concerned
to defend itself but only its method of existence. It was as though a
garrison, forgetting the main defences of a place, had concentrated all
its efforts upon the security of one work which contained its supplies
of food.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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