France -- History -- Revolution, 1789-1799; France -- History -- Revolution, 1789-1799 -- Causes
It is always well in history to fix a definite starting-point for any
political development, and the starting-point of the revolutionary wars
may easily be fixed at the moment when Louis, his queen and the royal
children attempted to escape to the frontier and to the Army of the
Centre under the command of Bouillé. This happened, as we have seen, in
June 1791.
Many factors combine to make that date the starting-point. In the first
place, until that moment no actual proof had been apparent in the eyes
of European monarchs of the captivity of their chief exemplar, the king
of France.
The wild march upon Versailles, in the days of October 1789, had its
parallel in a hundred popular tumults with which Europe was familiar
enough for centuries. But the rapidly succeeding reforms of the year
1790, and even the great religious blunder of 1791, had received the
signature and the public assent of the Crown. The Court, though no
longer at Versailles, was splendid, the power of the King over the
Executive still far greater than that of any other organ in the State,
and indefinitely greater than that of any other individual in the State.
The talk of captivity, of insult and the rest, the outcries of the
emigrants and the perpetual complaint of the French royal family in its
private relations, seemed exaggerated, or at any rate nothing to act
upon, until there came the shock of the King’s attempted flight and
recapture. This clinched things; and it clinched them all the more
because more than one Court, and especially that of Austria, believed
for some days that the escape had been successful.
Again, the flight and its failure put the army into a ridiculous
posture. Action against the Revolution was never likely, so long as the
discipline and steadiness of the French army were believed in abroad.
But the chief command had hopelessly failed upon that occasion, and it
was evident that the French-speaking troops could not easily be trusted
by the Executive Government or by their own commanders. Furthermore, the
failure of the flight leads the Queen, with her vivacity of spirit and
her rapid though ill-formed plans, to turn for the first time to the
idea of military intervention. Her letters suggesting this (in the form
of a threat rather than a war, it is true) do not begin until after her
capture at Varennes.
Finally, coincident with that disaster was the open mention of a
Republic, the open suggestion that the King should be deposed, and the
first definite and public challenge to the principles of monarchy which
the Revolution had thrown down before Europe.
We are, therefore, not surprised to find that this origin of the
military movement was followed in two months by the Declaration of
Pillnitz.
With the political nature of that Declaration one must deal elsewhere.
Its military character must here be observed.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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