seen before him, that the government of the country could never prosper
until a strong Executive were formed, and accordingly, like Mirabeau,
he had endeavoured to induce the Convention to give the Ministers seats
in the House. Only when that scheme had failed, had he fallen back on
the device of a powerful committee. He had realised much sooner than
his colleagues the folly of the reckless decree by which, in November,
1792, the Convention had declared war on all the kings of Europe, and
four months later he had secured its repeal. He had discerned the uses
of diplomacy, had negotiated the withdrawal of Brunswick, had tried to
detach Prussia from the coalition, had secured an alliance with Sweden,
and had steadily laboured, in spite of the wild talk of his colleagues,
to bring France back into the comity of nations. From the time of the
king's death, Danton had done all that eloquent persuasion could do
to heal divisions and to unite parties in the work of defending the
Republic. He would gladly have worked with the Girondists, had they not
driven him by their intemperate charges into the opposing camp. 'If we
must shed blood,' he once pleaded nobly, 'let us shed the blood of the
enemies of our country.'
But when the danger of invasion passed away, Danton's energies passed
with it. When the Jacobins had conquered and the State was saved, he
felt that he had no employment left. He had little sympathy with the
Government of the Terror. He wearied of the long tale of violence and
outrage. Unscrupulous and hardened as he was, he turned disgusted from
the methods of Carrier and Hébert. After his second marriage, in June,
1793, his young wife and the delights of home called him away to purer
things than politics. He knew the limits of his own capacity, and that
he could not bring to the work of political manœuvring the irresistible
vigour and conviction by which he had roused the country and had swept
his colleagues into power. Even to the last, when Philippeaux and
Desmoulins forced him to the front, and made him the unwilling leader
round whom the party of reaction gathered, he was inclined to urge them
to put up their weapons, and to fall back on his old plea for unity.
He hated personal animosities and was not made to be a faction chief.
But he was too conspicuous and too honest to remain altogether in the
background, when his comrades were risking their lives in a cause which
he knew to be the cause of mercy, and believed to be the cause of
France.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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