It was one of the misfortunes of the Constituent Assembly that it never
learned the arts of party government. When the preliminary struggle
between the Commons and the privileged orders was over, and the three
estates were finally united in one chamber, the Assembly broke up into
many different groups; and although these groups in process of time
shaped themselves roughly into parties, yet they so far retained their
independence, that it was rarely possible to say on any particular
question on which side the majority would be, or what groups and
politicians might or might not combine together. At first the only
distinction was between those who were opposed to the Revolution and
those who were its supporters. Gradually, however, as the friends of
the new movement insensibly divided, the representatives of the nobles
and upper clergy, who had regarded the King's policy as dangerous
from the first, found themselves reinforced by wiser politicians,
and expanded into a respectable party occupying the benches on the
Right. One section of this party--the extreme section--was, it is
true, only a noisy and obstructive faction, with reactionary views
and with interests largely selfish, which signalised itself, as
class-politicians are wont to do, by frequent violence of expression,
and by behaviour neither orderly nor well-bred. Among their leaders
were the well-known lawyer, d'Eprémesnil, who, as one of the heroes
of the Parlement of Paris, had enjoyed in 1788 an astonishing but
brief popularity, and the Vicomte de Mirabeau, the conspicuous but too
convivial brother of the great statesman who directed the Commons.
A more important section of the party was formed by the phalanx of
dignitaries of the Church, who followed the lead of the Archbishops of
Rouen and Aix. As the attack upon the Church proceeded, these prelates
drew after them a large number of the lower clergy, whose sympathies
had at first leaned to the popular side. But the most prominent figures
upon the benches of the Right were two men, whose remarkable abilities
became better known as time went on--Maury, the versatile, witty,
dissolute ecclesiastic, who, assisted by his rare power as a debater,
rose to the front rank among the leaders of his party, and Cazalés,
the indolent, unambitious soldier, whose clear head made it apparent
to him, as it was to Maury, that the old order could never be entirely
replaced, but who devoted his great oratorical gifts, whenever his lack
of energy permitted him to use them, to defending the monarchy, and to
denouncing mob-rule.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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