In some respects Lafayette is a character to whom it is difficult
to be just. His opportunities were so great. His limitations were
so obvious. His failure was so complete. But it is possible that
his failure inclines us to judge him too harshly. It is not fair to
condemn a man because he could not understand a portent, to censure a
politician who could not cope with the French Revolution. Had Lafayette
been a worse man, he might have fared better than he did. Had he
been a less conspicuous man, he would have borne a higher reputation
to-day. He was certainly ambitious. He was certainly vain. He had
little breadth of judgment or of vision. He was too much the slave of
his own formulas. He was too ready to echo democratic phrases, without
considering whether they applied or not. He was too ready to destroy
the authority of the Crown, to reduce the ministers to puppets, to
encourage the rash schemes of the Assembly. He was too ready to spend
time and pains in winning popularity from the bourgeois of Paris. He
was too ready to countenance dubious acts of policy and intrigue. He
had not sufficient statesmanship to see the dangers of the time and the
imperative necessity of combined and well-considered action. His stiff
propriety would not permit him to associate with Mirabeau, even for
public ends. But still, in a day when the character of many public men
was low, Lafayette's motives were neither sordid nor corrupt, and all
through his long career he displayed a staunch loyalty to his honest,
if limited, ideals. Unwavering consistency, although the virtue of
weak men, often lends dignity to conduct, and that dignity Lafayette
possessed. The worst charge which can be brought against him in the
early days of the Revolution is that his policy mingled too largely
with ideas of personal aggrandisement. From the 5th and 6th October,
when his doubtful behaviour secured him the first power in the State,
Lafayette's chief object seems to have been so to organise the National
Guard, as to maintain his own dictatorship, to assert the predominance
of the middle classes, with whose views he cordially agreed, and to
repress all attempts from the Court, from Mirabeau, from the multitude,
or from any other quarter, to lead the political movement into courses
which would take its direction out of his hands.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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