Unhappily, the Assembly is not providing a Constitution for contemporary
Frenchmen, but for abstract beings. Instead of seeing classes in society
one placed above the other, it simply sees individuals in juxtaposition;
its attention is not fixed on the advantage of the nation, but on the
imaginary rights of man. As all men are equal, all must have an equal
share in the government. There must be no orders in a State, no avowed
or concealed political privileges, no constitutional complications or
electoral combinations by which an aristocracy, however liberal and
capable, may put its hands upon any portion of the public power.--On
the contrary, because it was once privileged to enjoy important and
rewarding public employment, the candidacy of the upper classes is now
suspect. All projects which, directly or indirectly, reserve or provide
a place for it, are refused: At first the Royal Declaration, which, in
conformity with historical precedents, maintained the three orders in
three distinct chambers, and only summoned them to deliberate together
"on matters of general utility." Then the plan of the Constitutional
Committee, which proposed a second Chamber, appointed for life by the
King on the nomination of the Provincial Assemblies. And finally the
project of Mounier who proposed to confide to these same Assemblies the
election of a Senate for six years, renewed by thirds every two years.
This Senate was to be composed of men of at least thirty-five years of
age, and with an income in real property of 30,000 livres per annum. The
instinct of equality is too powerful and a second Chamber is not wanted,
even if accessible to plebeians. Through it,[2216]
"The smaller number would control the greater;"... "we should fall
back on the humiliating distinctions" of the ancient regime; "we should
revivify the germ of an aristocracy which must be exterminated."....
"Moreover, whatever recalls or revives feudal Institutions is bad, and
an Upper Chamber is one of its remnants." ...."If the English have
one, it is because they have been forced to make a compromise with
prejudice."
The National Assembly, sovereign and philosophic, soars above their
errors, their trammel; and their example. The depository of truth, it
has not to receive lessons from others, but to give them, and to offer
to the world's admiration the first type of a Constitution which is
perfect and in conformity with principle, the most effective of any in
preventing the formation of a governing class; in closing the way to
public business, not only to the old noblesse, but to the aristocracy
of the future; in continuing and exaggerating the work of absolute
monarchy; in preparing for a community of officials and administrators;
in lowering the level of humanity; in reducing to sloth and brutalizing
or blighting the elite of the families which maintain or raise
themselves; and in withering the most precious of nurseries, that in
which the State recruits its statesmen.[2217]
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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