The Fruits of Victory: A Sequel to The Great IllusionAngell, Norman
History
The Fruits of Victory: A Sequel to The Great Illusion
Angell, Norman
Economic history -- 1918-1945; World War, 1914-1918 -- Influence
Our only protection against these miscarriages, by which our passion is
borne into the wrong channel, against the innocent while the guilty
escape, is to keep our minds open to all the facts, all the truth. But
this principle, which we have proclaimed as the very foundation stone of
our democratic faith, was the first to go when we began the War. The
idea that in war time, most particularly, a democracy needs to know the
enemy's, or the Pacifist, or even the internationalist and liberal case,
would have been regarded as a bad joke. Yet the failure to do just that
thing inevitably created a conviction that all the wrong was on one side
and all the right on the other, and that the problem of the settlement
was mainly a problem of ruthless punishment. One of that temper may have
come the errors of the Treaty and the miseries that have flowed from
them. It was the virtual suppression of free debate on the purposes and
aims of the War and their realisation that delivered public opinion into
the keeping of the extremest Jingoes when we came to make the peace.
_We create the temper that destroys us_
Behind the war-time attitude of the belligerents, when they suppressed
whatever news might tell in favour of the enemy, was the conviction that
if we could really understand the enemy's position we should not want to
fight him. That is probably true. Let us assume that, and assume
consequently the need for control of news and discussion. If we are to
come to the control by governments of political belief, as we once
attempted control by ecclesiastical authority of religious belief, let
us face the fact, and drop pretence about freedom of discussion, and see
that the organisation of opinion is honest and efficient. There is a
great deal to be said for the suppression of freedom of discussion. Some
of the greatest minds in the world have refused to accept it as a
working principle of society. Theirs is a perfectly arguable, extremely
strong and thoroughly honest case.[80] But virtually to subpress the
free dissemination of facts, as we have done not only during, but after
the War, and at the same time to go on with our talk about free speech,
free Press, free discussion, free democracy is merely to add to the
insincerities and falsehoods, which can only end by making society
unworkable. We not only disbelieve in free discussion in the really
vital crises; we disbelieve in truth. That is one fact. There is another
related to it. If we frankly admitted that public opinion has to be
'managed,' organised, shaped, we should demand that it be done
efficiently with a view to the achievement of conscious ends, which we
should place before ourselves. What happened during the War was that
everybody, including the governments who ought to have been free from
the domination of the myths they were engaged in creating, lost sight of
the ultimate purposes of the War, and of the fact that they were
creating forces which would make the attainment of those ends
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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