The Fruits of Victory: A Sequel to The Great IllusionAngell, Norman
History
The Fruits of Victory: A Sequel to The Great Illusion
Angell, Norman
Economic history -- 1918-1945; World War, 1914-1918 -- Influence
Take one such sovereign idea, that of the enemy nation as a person: the
conception of it as a completely responsible corporate body. Some
offence is committed by a German: 'Germany' did it, Germany including
all Germans. To punish any German is to inflict satisfactory punishment
for the offence, to avenge it. The idea, when we examine it, is found to
be extremely abstract, with but the faintest relation to human
realities. 'They drowned my brother,' said an Allied airman, when asked
his feelings on a reprisal bombing raid over German cities. Thus,
because a sailor from Hamburg drowns an Englishman in the North Sea, an
old woman in a garret in Freiburg, or some children, who have but dimly
heard of the war, and could not even remotely be held responsible for
it, or have prevented it, are killed with a clear conscience because
they are German. We cannot understand the Chinese, who punish one member
of a family for another's fault, yet that is very much more rational
than the conception which we accept as the most natural thing in the
world. It is never questioned, indeed, until it is applied to ourselves.
When the acts of British troops in Ireland or India, having an
extraordinary resemblance to German acts in Belgium, are taken by
certain American newspapers as showing that 'Britain,' (_i.e._ British
people) is a bloodthirsty monster who delights in the killing of unarmed
priests or peasants, we know that somehow the foreign critic has got it
all wrong. We should realise that for some Irishman or Indian to
dismember a charwoman or decapitate a little girl in Somersetshire,
because of the crime of some Black and Tan in Cork, or English General
at Amritsar, would be unadulterated savagery, a sort of dementia. In any
case the poor folk in Somerset were not responsible; millions of English
folk are not. They are only dimly aware of what goes on in India or
Ireland, and are not really able in all matters, by any means, to
control their government--any more than the Americans are able to
control theirs.
Yet the idea of responsibility attaching to a whole group, as
justification for retaliation, is a very ancient idea, savage, almost
animal in its origin. And anything can make a collectivity. To one small
religious sect in a village it is a rival sect who are the enemies of
the human race; in the mind of the tortured negro in the Congo any man,
woman, or child of the white world could fairly be punished for the
pains that he has suffered.[87] The conception has doubtless arisen out
of something protective, some instinct useful, indispensable to the
race; as have so many of the instincts which, applied unadapted to
altered conditions, become socially destructive.
Here then is evidence of a great danger, which can, in some measure, be
avoided on one condition: that the truth about the enemy collectively is
told in such a way as to be a reminder to us not to slip into injustices
that, barbarous in themselves, drag us back into barbarism.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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