... 'Such a directing intelligence or group of intelligences would take into account before all things the biological character of man.... It would discover when natural inclinations in man must be indulged, and would make them respectable, what inclinations in him must be controlled for the advantage of the species, and make them insignificant.' (p. 162-3.) [71] The opening sentence of a five volume _History of the Peace Conference of Paris_, edited by H. W. V. Temperley, and published under the auspices of the Institute of International Affairs, is as follows:-- 'The war was a conflict between the principles of freedom and of autocracy, between the principles of moral influence and of material force, of government by consent and of government by compulsion.' [72] Foremost as examples stand out the claims of German Austria to federate with Germany; the German population of the Southern Tyrol with Austria; the Bohemian Germans with Austria; the Transylvanian Magyars with Hungary; the Bulgarians of Macedonia, the Bulgarians of the Dobrudja, and the Bulgarians of Western Thrace with Bulgaria; the Serbs of the Serbian Banat with Yugo-Slavia; the Lithuanians and Ukrainians for freedom from Polish dominion. [73] We know now (see the interview with M. Paderewski in the _New York World_) that we compelled Poland to remain at war when she wanted to make peace. It has never been fully explained why the Prinkipo peace policy urged by Mr Lloyd George as early as December 1918 was defeated, and why instead we furnished munitions, tanks, aeroplanes, poison gas, military missions and subsidies in turn to Koltchak, Denikin, Yudenitch, Wrangel, and Poland. We prolonged the blockade--which in the early phases forbade Germany that was starving to catch fish in the Baltic, and stopped medicine and hospital supplies to the Russians--for fear, apparently, of the very thing which might have helped to save Europe, the economic co-operation of Russia and Central Europe. [74] 'We have no quarrel with the German people. We have no feeling towards them but one of sympathy and friendship. It was not upon their impulse that their government acted in entering this war.' ... 'We are glad ... to fight thus for the ultimate peace of the world, and for the liberation of its peoples, the German peoples included: for the rights of nations great and small ... to choose their way of life.' (President Wilson, Address to Congress, April 2nd, 1917). [75] _The Economic Consequences of the Peace_, p. 211. [76] See quotations from Sir A. Conan Doyle, later in this Chapter. [77] See, e.g., the facts as to the repression of Socialism in America, Chapter V. [78] _The Atlantic Monthly_, November 1920. [79] _Realities of War_, pp. 426-7, 441. [80] Is it necessary to say that the present writer does not accept it?