[95] We realise without difficulty that no society could be formed by individuals each of whom had been taught to base his conduct on adages such as these: 'Myself alone'; 'myself before anybody else'; 'my ego is sacred'; 'myself over all'; 'myself right or wrong.' Yet those are the slogans of Patriotism the world over and are regarded as noble and inspiring, shouted with a moral and approving thrill. [96] However mischievous some of the manifestations of Nationalism may prove, the worst possible method of dealing with it is by the forcible repression of any of its claims which can be granted with due regard to the general interest. To give Nationalism full play, as far as possible, is the best means of attenuating its worst features and preventing its worst developments. This, after all, is the line of conduct which we adopt to certain religious beliefs which we may regard as dangerous superstitions. Although the belief may have dangers, the social dangers involved in forcible repression would be greater still. [97] _The Great Illusion_, p. 326 [98] 'The Pacifists lie when they tell us that the danger of war is over.' General Leonard Wood. [99] _The Science of Power_, p. 14. [100] Ibid, p. 144. [101] See quotations, Part I, Chapters I and III. [102] The validity of this assumption still holds even though we take the view that the defence of war as an inevitable struggle for bread is merely a rationalisation (using that word in the technical sense of the psychologists) of impulse or instinct, merely, that is, an attempt to find a 'reason' for conduct the real explanation of which is the subconscious promptings of pugnacities or hostilities, the craving of our nature for certain kinds of action. If we could not justify our behaviour in terms of self-preservation, it would stand so plainly condemned ethically and socially that discipline of instinct--as in the case of sex instinct--would obviously be called for and enforced. In either case, the road to better behaviour is by a clearer revelation of the social mischief of the predominant policy. [103] Rear-Admiral A. T. Mahan: _Force in International Relations_. [104] _The Interest of America in International Conditions_, by Rear-Admiral A. T. Mahan, pp. 47-87. [105] _Government and the War_, p. 62. [106] _State Morality and a League of Nations_, pp 83-85. [107] _North American Review_, March 1912. [108] Admiral Mahan himself makes precisely this appeal:-- 'That extension of national authority over alien communities, which is the dominant note in the world politics of to-day, dignifies and enlarges each State and each citizen that enters its fold.... Sentiment, imagination, aspiration, the satisfaction of the rational and moral faculties in some object better than bread alone, all must find a part in a worthy motive. Like individuals, nations and empires have souls as well as bodies. Great and beneficent achievement ministers to worthier contentment than the filling of the pocket.'