Meantime the continued coercion of Germany will demand on the part of the Western democracies a permanent maintenance of the machine of war, and so a perpetuation of the tendency, in the way already described, towards a militarised Nationalisation. The resultant 'Socialism' will assuredly not be of the type that most Socialists (among whom, incidentally, the present writer counts himself) would welcome. But it will not necessarily be for that reason any less fatal to the workable transnational individualism. Moreover, military nationalisation presupposes international conflict, if not perpetually recurrent war; presupposes, that is, first, an inability to organise a stable international economy indispensable to a full life for Europe's population; and, secondly, an increasing destructiveness in warfare--self-destruction in terms of European Society as a whole. 'Efficiency' in such a society would be efficiency in suicide. CHAPTER III NATIONALITY, ECONOMICS, AND THE ASSERTION OF RIGHT The change noted in the preceding chapter raises certain profound questions of Right. These may be indicated as follows:-- * * * * * By our political power we _can_ create a Europe which, while not assuring advantage to the victor, deprives the vanquished of means of existence. The loss of both ore and coal by the Central Powers might well make it impossible for their future populations to find food. What are they to do? Starve? To disclaim responsibility is to claim that we are entitled to use our power to deny them life. This 'right' to starve foreigners can only be invoked by invoking the concept of nationalism. 'Our nation first.' But the policy of placing life itself upon a foundation of preponderant force instead of mutually advantageous co-operation, compels statesmen perpetually to betray the principle of nationality; not only directly (as in the case of the annexation of territory, economically necessary, but containing peoples of alien nationality), but indirectly; for the resistance which our policy (of denying means of subsistence to others) provokes, makes preponderance of power the condition of survival. All else must give way to that need. Might cannot be pledged to Right in these conditions. If our power is pledged to Allies for the purposes of the Balance (which means, in fact, preponderance), it cannot be used against them to enforce respect for (say) nationality. To turn against Allies would break the Balance. To maintain the Balance of Power we are compelled to disregard the moral merits of an Ally's policy (as in the case of the promise to the Czar's Government not to demand the independence of Poland). The maintenance of a Balance (_i.e._ preponderance) is incompatible with the maintenance of Right. There is a conflict of obligation.