The Grandeur That Was Rome: a survey of Roman culture and civilisationStobart, J. C. (John Clarke)
History
The Grandeur That Was Rome: a survey of Roman culture and civilisation
Stobart, J. C. (John Clarke)
Rome -- Civilization; Rome -- History
whole, however, we may well believe that the senate’s decline into
impotence was largely its own fault. So far as the records show, the
Augustan senate never displayed the least trace of spirit or, if that
is too much to expect, even of initiative or efficiency. There was
grumbling and a little feeble plotting, but if the senate had chosen to
take Augustus at his word whenever he spoke of abdication, they might
easily have recovered real power, though indeed they could not have
done without a princeps. For one thing the mob would not have suffered
it. Cæsar was, and remained, the patron of the inarticulate commons,
and that was not only the origin of the principate but the main support
of its power throughout. When we speak of unpopular emperors such
as Nero or Domitian we generally mean only that they were unpopular
with the notables of the senate. If they failed to retain the regard
of the common people and the common soldiers their reigns speedily
came to an end. Cæsar’s pretended abdication in 23 B.C. was shortly
afterwards followed by a famine at Rome and the populace besieged
the senate-house, threatening it with fire unless fresh powers were
conferred upon their champion.
German historians have invented the term Dyarchy to describe the
balance of power between Cæsar and senate. The government of Rome had
always been to some extent a Dyarchy of senate and people as its title
shows--“Senatus Populusque Romanus.” In many respects the princeps
had taken the place of the people. But such a description loses
sight of reality. You cannot in this whole period show an army set
in motion by a senatorial governor without authority from Augustus,
save in the single case of M. Primus when it was instantly followed
by a prosecution; nor a single tax imposed, nor a law so much as
proposed without Cæsar’s authority, nor a candidate elected without
his concurrence, nor a treaty made otherwise than in accordance with
his suggestion. The true relation between them is practically that of
a monarch and his council. Three times Cæsar revised the roll of the
senate, reducing it from over one thousand members to six hundred,
and for all his tact and ingenuity arousing the fiercest resentment.
There were violent scenes in the house, Augustus wore a shirt of mail,
and went accompanied by ten stalwart senators. It is clear that he
was purging the house of his opponents just as Cromwell did. On other
occasions he would present his friends with the amount of property
needed to complete their qualification for the senate. Thus it is no
exaggeration to call the senate his council of state. If it is objected
that the senate still governed rich and important provinces, that is
more apparent than true. No longer did the governor of a senatorial
province go out girt with the sword that signifies _imperium_ or
wearing the military cloak. Now he goes in his toga as a mere civilian
functionary. That little change must have been bitterly galling to the
proud aristocracy.
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