The Grandeur That Was Rome: a survey of Roman culture and civilisationStobart, J. C. (John Clarke)
History
The Grandeur That Was Rome: a survey of Roman culture and civilisation
Stobart, J. C. (John Clarke)
Rome -- Civilization; Rome -- History
It is surely unnecessary to emphasise the meaning of all this. An
army was now a trained corps against which no levy of recruits could
stand for an instant. Hitherto it had been the chief guarantee against
usurpation by a general that new armies could be summoned from the
soil at any time. Now there was a weapon in the hands of a successful
general against which the feeble safeguards of the republican
constitution were powerless. As with the first trained army in English
history, the general of such a force became master of the destinies
of the state so long as the allegiance of the soldiers was personal
rather than patriotic. The Roman soldier’s allegiance had always been
personal and now it became more so. Moreover the Roman constitution
had never sought to distinguish military from civil power. Hence that
day in 100 B.C., when the Appuleian code was carried under threat of
the legions of Marius, was of evil omen for the constitution. Less
than twenty years were to elapse before a Roman army entered Rome
in triumph to support the political enactments of Sulla. It is in
reality henceforward one long state of civil war, open or concealed,
between rival generals, until at last a permanent military monarchy
was established. It only required a bold free spirit like that of
Julius Cæsar to discern the real facts of the case. Marius, as we have
already seen, had not sufficient intellect to play a political part
with success; Sulla attained what was really a monarchical position
but retired when he had won it. Pompeius never had the courage to face
the situation. Cæsar had, but he was sacrificed to the republican
tradition. Finally the diplomatic Augustus realised the long inevitable
fact.
Henceforth, then, it is merely a question of who shall be Emperor
of Rome. The causes of the end of Rome’s incoherent constitutional
system, called by us a Republic, are already clear. There are the
constitutional causes--above all the inelasticity of the Roman system,
which made legitimate reform impossible, provided no machinery to
express the will of the people, and rendered it inevitable that rioting
should accompany every change. It was a constitution essentially
municipal and the tribunate was the centre of mischief. Then there are
the economic causes, now working more banefully than ever, and causing
the decay of the agricultural population, the rise of a dangerous
uneducated city proletariat, and the corruption of the governing
aristocracy. There was the political fact that the government of a
vast ill-organised empire destroyed the Republican spirit and further
increased corruption, while it denationalised the Roman temper.
Lastly, there is the military cause, namely, the professionalisation
of the army, putting excessive power into the hands of the general and
replacing patriotism by _esprit de corps_.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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