[20] As a matter of fact, the peoples do not believe either that their ambitions go back to their ancestors; they are ignorant of history and do not believe it to be so even when it is true; they believe they believe, or, more exactly, they want to believe that they believe. However, that is enough to make them ferocious, perhaps more so than if they really believed it. [21] France is here in a position of manifest inferiority in regard to her neighbours. The modern French feel very slight inclinations to claim that they reincarnate the ambitions of Charlemagne or even of Louis XIV, despite the proclamations of certain men of letters. [22] For instance, the address of the ‘six great industrial and agricultural associations of Germany’ to Herr von Bethmann-Hollweg in May, 1914, which was not very different from that drawn up in 1815 by the Prussian metallurgists to point out to their government what annexations should be made in the interests of their industry. (See Vidal de La Blache, _La France de l’Est_, chap. xix.) Moreover, some Germans are urgent in boldly proclaiming the economic character of their nationalism. ‘Let us not forget,’ says a well-known Pangermanist, ‘that the German Empire, which is generally considered abroad as a purely military State, is in its origin (Zollverein) chiefly economic.’ And again: ‘For us war is only the continuation of our commercial activity in times of peace, with other means but the same methods.’ (Naumann, _L’Europe Centrale_, pp. 112, 247; see the whole book.) Germany seems to be not indeed the only country to practise commercial patriotism (England has done so just as much and for a much longer time) but the only country to boast of it. [23] And to build up a much less passionate patriotism. Think, for instance, of the agreements with foreigners accepted by patriotism based on interest (such as the Franco-German iron cartel), against which the patriotism based on pride rises up in revolt. [24] ‘Love of country is a real love of oneself.’ (Saint-Evremond.) [25] The divinizing of realism, of which patriotism specially consists, is expressed with all desirable candour in the ‘Addresses to the German People’ (Eighth Address); Fichte attacks religion for its claim to situate the superior life outside all interest in earthly matters: ‘It is an abuse of religion to force it, as Christianity has so often done, to extol complete indifference to the business of the State and the nation as the true religious spirit. Men,’ he declares, ‘are determined to find heaven on earth and to impregnate their earthly labours with something durable.’ He then shows, with great warmth, that this desire is the essence of patriotism, and it is evident that for him earthly labours become divine by becoming durable. This, indeed, is the only means men have discovered for divinizing their institutions.