Szechenyi, who descended from a family of ancient and aristocratic
lineage, and presented himself to the nation with connections reaching
up into the highest circles of the court, with the lustre of his ancient
name, and with his immense fortune, wished to secure the happiness of
his country by quite different methods from those adopted by Louis
Kossuth, a child of the people, who, although he was a nobleman by
birth, yet belonged to that poorer class of gentry who support
themselves by their own exertions, and who, in Hungary, are destined to
fulfil the mission of the citizen-classes of other countries. It is from
this class of the gentry, for the most part, that are recruited the
trades-people, the smaller landowners, professional men, writers,
subordinate officials, lawyers, physicians, clergymen, teachers, and
professors. By virtue of their nobility, it is true, they belonged to
the privileged class of the country, and were not subjected to the
humiliations of the oppressed peasantry, yet they had to earn a living
by their own work, and were therefore not only accessible to, but were
ready enthusiastically to receive, the lofty message of liberty and
equality which the French Revolution of 1830 began to proclaim anew
throughout Europe.
These doctrines formed a sharp contrast to the views of Count Stephen
Szechenyi, views which, owing to the social position of the man who held
them, were not devoid of a certain aristocratic tinge, and according to
which the most important part in the regeneration of the Hungarian
nation was assigned to the aristocracy. It was a part, however, which
the Hungarian aristocracy was itself by no means disposed to assume.
Among its younger members, indeed, could be found, here and there,
enthusiastic men who were devotedly attached to the person of the lordly
reformer, but the great majority of his class were hostilely arrayed
against Szechenyi's aims, and, obstructing the granting of even the most
inoffensive demands of the nation, supported the Viennese Government;
which was rigidly opposed to political reforms and to any changes in the
public institutions of the country. This attitude of the aristocracy
compelled Szechenyi to avoid as much as possible all questions
concerning constitutionality and liberty, and to confine the work of
reform chiefly to the sphere of internal improvements.
The only way in which he could hope to obtain the support of the court
of Vienna and of the majority of the Upper House for his
politico-economical measures, was to remain as neutral as possible in
politics. The idea which chiefly governed his actions was that the
country should be first strengthened internally, and that afterward it
would be easy for the nation to bring about the triumph of her national
and political aspirations.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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