The Great Illusion: A Study of the Relation of Military Power to National AdvantageAngell, Norman
History
The Great Illusion: A Study of the Relation of Military Power to National Advantage
Angell, Norman
Commercial policy; Disarmament; Imperialism; War; War, Cost of
The survival, where national prestige is concerned, of the standards of
the _code duello_ is daily brought before us by the rhetoric of the
patriots. Our army and our navy, not the good faith of our statesmen,
are the "guardians of our national honor." Like the duellist, the
patriot would have us believe that a dishonorable act is made honorable
if the party suffering by the dishonor be killed. The patriot is careful
to withdraw from the operation of possible arbitration all questions
which could affect the "national honor." An "insult to the flag" must be
"wiped out in blood." Small nations, which in the nature of the case
cannot so resent the insults of great empires, have apparently no right
to such a possession as "honor." It is the peculiar prerogative of
world-wide empires. The patriots who would thus resent "insults to the
flag" may well be asked whether they would condemn the conduct of the
German lieutenant who kills the unarmed civilian in cold blood "for the
honor of the uniform."
It does not seem to have struck the patriot that, as personal dignity
and conduct have not suffered but been improved by the abandonment of
the principle of the duel, there is little reason to suppose that
international conduct, or national dignity, would suffer by a similar
change of standards.
The whole philosophy underlying the duel, where personal relations are
concerned, excites in our day the infinite derision of all Anglo-Saxons.
Yet these same Anglo-Saxons maintain it as rigorously as ever in the
relations of States.
Profound as is the change involved in the Anglo-Saxon abandonment of the
duel, a still more universal change, affecting still more nearly our
psychological impulses, has been effected within a relatively recent
historical period. I refer to the abandonment, by the Governments of
Europe, of their right to prescribe the religious belief of their
citizens. For hundreds of years, generation after generation, it was
regarded as an evident part of a ruler's right and duty to dictate what
his subjects should believe.
As Lecky has pointed out, the preoccupation which, for numberless
generations, was the centre round which all other interests revolved has
simply and purely disappeared; coalitions which were once the most
serious occupation of statesmen now exist only in the speculations of
the expounders of prophecy. Among all the elements of affinity and
repulsion that regulate the combinations of nations, dogmatic influences
which were once supreme can scarcely be said to exist. There is a change
here reaching down into the most fundamental impulses of the human mind.
"Until the seventeenth century every mental discussion, which philosophy
pronounces to be essential to legitimate research, was almost uniformly
branded as a sin, and a large proportion of the most deadly intellectual
vices were deliberately inculcated as virtues."
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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