The Great Illusion: A Study of the Relation of Military Power to National AdvantageAngell, Norman
History
The Great Illusion: A Study of the Relation of Military Power to National Advantage
Angell, Norman
Commercial policy; Disarmament; Imperialism; War; War, Cost of
Do Mr. Roosevelt, Admiral Mahan, Baron von Stengel, Marshal von Moltke,
Mr. Homer Lea, and the English clergymen seriously argue that this list
should be reversed, and that Arabia and Turkey should be taken as the
types of progressive nations, and England and Germany and Scandinavia as
the decadent?
It may be urged that my list is not absolutely accurate, in that
England, having fought more little wars (though the conflict with the
Boers, waged with a small, pastoral people, shows how a little war may
drain a great country), is more militarized than Germany, which has not
been fighting at all. But I have tried in a very rough fashion to arrive
at the degree of militancy in each State, and the absence of actual
fighting in the case of Germany (as in that of the smaller States) is
balanced by the fact of the military training of her people. As I have
indicated, France is more military than Germany, both in the extent to
which her people are put through the mill of universal military
training, and by virtue of the fact that she has done so much more small
fighting than Germany (Madagascar, Tonkin, Africa, etc.); while, of
course, Turkey and the Balkan States are still more military in both
senses--more actual fighting, more military training.
Perhaps the militarist will argue that, while useless and unjust wars
make for degeneration, just wars are a moral regeneration. But did a
nation, group, tribe, family, or individual ever yet enter into a war
which he did not think just? The British, or most of them, believed the
war against the Boers just, but most of the authorities in favor of war
in general, outside of Great Britain, believed it unjust. Nowhere do you
find such deathless, absolute, unwavering belief in the justice of war
as in those conflicts which all Christendom knows to be at once unjust
and unnecessary. I refer to the religious wars of Mohammedan fanaticism.
Do you suppose that when Nicaragua goes to war with San Salvador, or
Costa Rica or Colombia with Peru, or Peru with Chili, or Chili with
Argentina, they do not each and every one of them believe that they are
fighting for immutable and deathless principles? The civilization of
most of them is, of course, as like as two peas, and there is no more
reason, except their dislike of rational thought and hard work, why they
should fight with one another, than that Illinois should fight with
Indiana, despite Homer Lea's fine words as to the primordial character
of national differences; to one another they are as alike, and whether
San Salvador beats Costa Rica or Costa Rica, San Salvador, does not, so
far as essentials are concerned, matter a continental. But their
rhetoric of patriotism--the sacrifice, and the deathless glory, and the
rest of it--is often just as sincere as ours. That is the tragedy of it,
and it is that which gives to the solution of the problem in Spanish
America its real difficulty.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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