The Great Illusion: A Study of the Relation of Military Power to National AdvantageAngell, Norman
History
The Great Illusion: A Study of the Relation of Military Power to National Advantage
Angell, Norman
Commercial policy; Disarmament; Imperialism; War; War, Cost of
[54] Without going to the somewhat obscure analogies of biological
science, it is evident from the simple facts of the world that, if at
any stage of human development warfare ever did make for the survival of
the fit, we have long since passed out of that stage. When we conquer a
nation in these days, we do not exterminate it: we leave it where it
was. When we "overcome" the servile races, far from eliminating them, we
give them added chances of life by introducing order, etc., so that the
lower human quality tends to be perpetuated by conquest by the higher.
If ever it happens that the Asiatic races challenge the white in the
industrial or military field, it will be in large part thanks to the
work of race conservation, which has been the result of England's
conquest in India, Egypt, and Asia generally, and her action in China
when she imposed commerical contact on the Chinese by virtue of military
power. War between people of roughly equal development makes also for
the survival of the unfit, since we no longer exterminate and massacre a
conquered race, but only their best elements (those carrying on the
war), and because the conqueror uses up _his_ best elements in the
process, so that the less fit of both sides are left to perpetuate the
species. Nor do the facts of the modern world lend any support to the
theory that preparation for war under modern conditions tends to
preserve virility, since those conditions involve an artificial barrack
life, a highly mechanical training favorable to the destruction of
initiative, and a mechanical uniformity and centralization tending to
crush individuality, and to hasten the drift towards a centralized
bureaucracy, already too great.
[55] One might doubt, indeed, whether the British patriot has really the
feeling against the German that he has against his own countrymen of
contrary views. Mr. Leo Maxse, in the _National Review_ for February,
1911, indulges in the following expressions, applied, not to Germans,
but to English statesmen elected by a majority of the English people:
Mr. Lloyd George is a "fervid Celt animated by passionate hatred of all
things English"; Mr. Churchill is simply a "Tammany Hall politician,
without, however, a Tammany man's patriotism." Mr. Harcourt belongs to
"that particular type of society demagogue who slangs Peers in public
and fawns upon them in private." Mr. Leo Maxse suggests that some of the
Ministers should be impeached and hanged. Mr. McKenna is Lord Fisher's
"poll-parrot," and the House of Commons is the "poisonous Parliament of
infamous memory," in which Ministers were supported by a vast _posse
comitatus_ of German jackals.
[56] Speech at Stationers' Hall, London, June 6, 1910.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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