The Great Illusion: A Study of the Relation of Military Power to National AdvantageAngell, Norman
History
The Great Illusion: A Study of the Relation of Military Power to National Advantage
Angell, Norman
Commercial policy; Disarmament; Imperialism; War; War, Cost of
One heard a good deal at the outbreak of the South African War of the
part that the gold-mines played in precipitating that conflict. Alike in
England and on the Continent, it was generally assumed that Great
Britain was "after the gold-mines." A long correspondence took place in
the London _Times_ as to the real value of the mines, and speculation as
to the amount of money which it was worth Great Britain's while to spend
in their "capture." Well, now that England has won the war, how many
gold-mines has she captured? In other words, how many shares in the
gold-mines does the British Government hold? How many mines have been
transferred from their then owners to the British Government, as the
result of British victory? How much tribute does the Government of
Westminster exact as the result of investing two hundred and fifty
millions in the enterprise?
The fact is, of course, that the British Government does not hold a
cent's worth of the property. The mines belong to the shareholders and
to no one else, and in the conditions of the modern world it is not
possible for a Government to "capture" so much as a single dollar's
worth of such property as the result of a war of conquest.
Supposing that Germany or any other conqueror were to put on the output
of the mines a duty of 50 per cent. What would she get, and what would
be the result? The output of the South African mines to-day is, roughly,
$150,000,000 a year, so that she would get about $75,000,000 a year.[34]
The annual total income of Germany is calculated at something like
$15,000,000,000, so that a tribute of $75,000,000 would hold about the
same proportion to Germany's total income that, say, fifteen cents a day
would to a man in receipt of $10,000 a year. It would represent, say,
the expenditure of a man with an income of $2000 or $2500 a year upon,
say, his evening cigars. Could one imagine such a householder in his
right mind committing burglary and murder in order to economize a dollar
a week? Yet that would be the position of the German Empire entering
upon a great and costly war for the purpose of exacting $75,000,000 a
year from the South African mines; or, rather, the situation for the
German Empire would be a great deal worse than that. For this
householder having committed burglary and murder for the sake of his
dollar a week (the German Empire, that is, having entered into one of
the most frightful wars of history to exact its tribute of seventy-five
millions) would then find that in order to get this dollar he had to
jeopardize many of the investments upon which the bulk of his income
depended. On the morrow of imposing a tax of fifty per cent. on the
mines there would be such a slump in a class of security now dealt in by
every considerable stock exchange in the world that there would hardly
be a considerable business firm in Europe unaffected thereby. In
England, they know of the difficulty that a relatively mild fiscal
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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