The Great Illusion: A Study of the Relation of Military Power to National AdvantageAngell, Norman
History
The Great Illusion: A Study of the Relation of Military Power to National Advantage
Angell, Norman
Commercial policy; Disarmament; Imperialism; War; War, Cost of
Parenthetically, it should be pointed out that the matter has a good
deal more than academic interest. This philosophy constitutes a constant
element of resistance to that reform of political thought and tradition
in Europe which must be the necessary precedent of a sounder condition.
Not merely, of course, do international situations become infinitely
more dangerous when you get, on both sides of the frontier, a general
"belief in war for war's sake," but a tendency is directly created to
discredit the use of patience, a quality as much needed in the
relationship of nations as in that of individuals; and further there is
a tendency to justify political action making for war as against action
that might avoid it. All these pleas, biological and otherwise, are
powerful factors in creating an atmosphere and temperament in Europe
favorable to war and unfavorable to international agreement. For, be it
noted, this philosophy is not special to any one country: one finds it
plentifully expressed in England and America, as well as in France and
Germany. It is a European doctrine, part of that "mind of Europe," of
which someone has spoken, that, among other factors, determines the
character of European civilization generally.
This particular point of view has received a notable re-statement quite
recently[39] from General Bernhardi, a distinguished cavalry General,
and probably the most influential German writer on current strategical
and tactical problems, in his book, "Deutschland und der nächste
Krieg."[40] He therein gives very candid expression to the opinion that
Germany must, regardless of the rights and interests of other peoples,
fight her way to predominance. One of the chapters is headed, "The Duty
to Make War." He describes the peace movement in Germany as "poisonous,"
and proclaims the doctrine that the duties and tasks of the German
people cannot be fulfilled save by the sword. "The duty of
self-assertion is by no means exhausted in the mere repelling of
hostile attacks. It includes the need of securing to the whole people,
which the State embraces, the possibility of existence and development."
It is desirable, declares the author, that conquest shall be effected by
war, and not by peaceful means; Silesia would not have had the same
value for Prussia if Frederick the Great had obtained it from an
Arbitration Court. The attempt to abolish war is not only "immoral and
unworthy of humanity," it is an attempt to deprive man of his highest
possession--the right to stake physical life for ideal ends. The German
people "must learn to see that the maintenance of peace cannot be, and
must never be, the goal of policy."
Similar efforts are being made in England by English writers to secure
the acceptance of this doctrine of force. Many passages almost
duplicating those of Bernhardi, or at least extolling the general
doctrine of force, may be found in the writings of such Anglo-Saxon
authors as Admiral Mahan and Professor Spenser Wilkinson.[41]
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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