The great Persian War and its preliminaries : $b A study of the evidence, literary and topographicalGrundy, G. B. (George Beardoe)
History
The great Persian War and its preliminaries : $b A study of the evidence, literary and topographical
Grundy, G. B. (George Beardoe)
Greece -- History -- Persian Wars, 500-449 B.C.
It is a satisfactorily attested fact in the history of this time
that there was “treason” at Athens; in other words, that there was a
party in the state which would have welcomed the return of Hippias.
Herodotus would have denied it if he could honestly have done so; but
he emphatically admits the truth of it.[67]
Apart from the general political circumstances of the time, Hippias and
the Peisistratidæ might reckon on the assistance of many old family
adherents in Athens.
When it came to a question as to the possible means of bringing about
the restoration, neither Hippias nor his adherents had any
choice.[68] It could only be accomplished through the instrumentality of
the Persian—a dangerous means, perhaps, but the only means; and those
who risked the danger were not, before 490, in a position to estimate
the full extent of it. The real policy of Persia cannot as yet have
been known to the Greeks.
Before proceeding to show in what way these political circumstances
affected the strategy of the campaign, it may be well to glance at the
general form which the Marathonian tradition took in later days.
Marathon greatly enhanced the reputation of Athens. Nor can there
be any doubt that the Athenians were not slow in discovering this.
Therefore the process of evolution by which the tradition became a
tale of a great national effort would be an eminently natural one.
As such the Athenian would present it to those outside the bounds of
Attica. The ugly features of the story would certainly be, in so far
as possible, suppressed in all editions of it given to the world in
general.
Those features would, however, be certain to survive in an edition
evolved in the party struggles within Athens itself, and the aristocrat
would regard Marathon as excellent material whereon to base an attack
on a political opponent.
Aristophanes, nearly three-quarters of a century after the battle,
was much more inclined to emphasize its importance as a triumph of
aristocracy over democracy, than as a victory of Greek over barbarian.
With him the “party” tradition had more weight than the “national.”
Is it, then, to be assumed that the Athenian democrat had no honest
claim to a share in the victory? This is a question which, on the
extant evidence, is very difficult to answer.
One negative fact is quite certain. Marathon was _not_[69] a crowning
victory for the new democracy. The opposite was rather the case.
#MEDIZING TENDENCIES OF THE DEMOCRATS.#
At the same time it is quite conceivable that, at the last moment,
certain circumstances saved a large number of those in the plot
from themselves, and so brought about its failure.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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