The Great Speeches and Orations of Daniel Webster: With an Essay on Daniel Webster as a Master of English StyleWebster, Daniel
History
The Great Speeches and Orations of Daniel Webster: With an Essay on Daniel Webster as a Master of English Style
Webster, Daniel
Speeches, addresses, etc., American; United States -- Politics and government -- 1815-1861; Webster, Daniel, 1782-1852
upon their own merits, as a majority of the House shall see fit? To some
of these provisions I am myself decidedly favorable; to others I have
great objections; and I should have been very glad of an opportunity of
giving my own vote distinctly on propositions which are, in their own
nature, essentially and substantially distinct from one another.
But, Sir, before expressing my own opinion upon the several provisions
of this bill, I will advert for a moment to some other general topics.
We have heard much of the policy of England, and her example has been
repeatedly urged upon us, as proving, not only the expediency of
encouragement and protection, but of exclusion and direct prohibition
also. I took occasion the other day to remark, that more liberal notions
were becoming prevalent on this subject; that the policy of restraints
and prohibitions was getting out of repute, as the true nature of
commerce became better understood; and that, among public men, those
most distinguished were most decided in their reprobation of the broad
principle of exclusion and prohibition. Upon the truth of this
representation, as matter of fact, I supposed there could not be two
opinions among those who had observed the progress of political
sentiment in other countries, and were acquainted with its present
state. In this respect, however, it would seem that I was greatly
mistaken. We have heard it again and again declared, that the English
government still adheres, with immovable firmness, to its old doctrines
of prohibition; that although journalists, theorists, and scientific
writers advance other doctrines, yet the practical men, the legislators,
the government of the country, are too wise to follow them. It has even
been most sagaciously hinted, that the promulgation of liberal opinions
on these subjects is intended only to delude other governments, to
cajole them into the folly of liberal ideas, while England retains to
herself all the benefits of the admirable old system of prohibition. We
have heard from Mr. Speaker a warm commendation of the complex mechanism
of this system. The British empire, it is said, is, in the first place,
to be protected against the rest of the world; then the British Isles
against the colonies; next, the isles respectively against each other,
England herself, as the heart of the empire, being protected most of
all, and against all.
Truly, Sir, it appears to me that Mr. Speaker's imagination has seen
system, and order, and beauty, in that which is much more justly
considered as the result of ignorance, partiality, or violence. This
part of English legislation has resulted, partly from considering
Ireland as a conquered country, partly from the want of a complete
union, even with Scotland, and partly from the narrow views of colonial
regulation, which in early and uninformed periods influenced the
European states.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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