The Greville Memoirs, Part 1 (of 3), Volume 2 (of 3): A Journal of the Reigns of King George IV and King William IVGreville, Charles
History
The Greville Memoirs, Part 1 (of 3), Volume 2 (of 3): A Journal of the Reigns of King George IV and King William IV
Greville, Charles
Great Britain -- History -- George IV, 1820-1830; Great Britain -- History -- William IV, 1830-1837
consent to the separation of the two States, and that the
Belgians should resign their claims to Limbourg and Luxembourg,
and after Lord Ponsonby's letter which made so much noise,
Falck's protestation, and Ponsonby's recall this seemed to be
clearly established. When Leopold received the offer of the
Crown, he only consented to take it upon an understanding that
the Belgians would agree to the terms prescribed by the Allies;
but before the whole thing was settled he took fright and began
to repent, and it was with some difficulty he was at last
persuaded to go by the Belgian deputies with assurances that
these terms would be complied with. Go, however, he did, and that
unaccompanied by any person of weight or consequence from this
country. Matuscewitz told me that he went on his knees to
Palmerston to send somebody with him who would prevent his
getting into scrapes, and that Talleyrand and Falck, by far the
best heads among them, had both predicted that Leopold would
speedily commit some folly the consequences of which might be
irreparable.[3] Our Government, however, paid no attention to
these remonstrances, and he was suffered to go alone. Accordingly
he had no sooner arrived than, intoxicated with the applause he
received, he forgot all that had occurred here and all the
resolutions of the Allies, and flourished off speeches in direct
contradiction to them, and announced his determination to
comprehend the disputed provinces in his new kingdom. It is no
wonder that this excited the indignation of the King of Holland,
but it is unfortunate that he could not be patient a little
longer. Notwithstanding his march, however, his Plenipotentiary
here has full power to treat of all the disputed points, and is
authorised to put a stop to hostilities at any moment when he can
see the prospect of satisfaction; it is, however, believed here
(though at present not on any sufficient grounds) that Prussia
secretly supports the King of Holland. The danger is that France
may without any further communication with her Allies consider
the aggression of the Dutch as a justification of a corresponding
movement on her part, and should this happen the Prussians would
no longer deem themselves bound by the common obligations which
united all the conferring and mediating Powers, and a general war
would infallibly ensue. Nor is it unlikely that the French
Ministry, beset as they are with difficulties, and holding their
offices _de die in diem_, may think a war the best expedient
for occupying the nation and bringing all the restless spirits
and unquiet humours into one focus. I have long been of opinion
that such mighty armaments and such a nervous state of things
cannot end without a good deal of blood-letting. [The Prussians
did not support the Dutch, the French did march, and war did not
ensue.--August 28th.]
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