The Greville Memoirs, Part 1 (of 3), Volume 2 (of 3): A Journal of the Reigns of King George IV and King William IVGreville, Charles
History
The Greville Memoirs, Part 1 (of 3), Volume 2 (of 3): A Journal of the Reigns of King George IV and King William IV
Greville, Charles
Great Britain -- History -- George IV, 1820-1830; Great Britain -- History -- William IV, 1830-1837
the meantime Harrowby has had some conversation with Lord
Lansdowne, who pressed the necessity of making a demonstration of
their strength, and added that if the Archbishop could be induced
to declare himself that would be sufficient. Lord Harrowby is
accordingly working incessantly upon the Archbishop on the one
hand, while he exhorts to patience and reliance on the other.
Yesterday he took a high tone with Lord Lansdowne, told him that
he had, as he firmly believed, as many as twenty-five Lords, lay
and spiritual, with him, which would make a difference of fifty,
but that as to a public irrevocable pledge, it was not to be had,
and that Lord Grey must place confidence in his belief and
reliance upon his exertions, or, if not, he must take his own
course. Upon Lord Grey's meeting with him, and the Archbishop's
being brought to the post, the matter now hinges.
[Page Head: WELLINGTON AND WHARNCLIFFE.]
In the meantime I have discovered the cause of the Duke of
Wellington's peevish reply to Wharncliffe, and the reason why Lord
Harrowby's letter to Lord Bagot was unanswered for ten days, and
then couched in terms so different from what might have been
expected. Lord Howe was at Bliffield at the time, and they,
between them, sent Harrowby's letter up to the Duke of Wellington,
who of course wrote his sentiments in reply. For this they waited,
and on this Lord Bagot acted. My brother told me yesterday that
the Duke had seen the letter, and that _Lord Howe_ had been the
person who sent it him. This explains it all. Wharncliffe's letter
was but another version of Lord Harrowby's, and he had therefore
in fact seen it before, but seen it addressed to those whom he
considered bound to him and his views, and I have no doubt he was
both angry and jealous at Lord Harrowby's interference. Nothing
could be more uncandid and unjustifiable than Lord Bagot's
conduct, for he never asked Lord Harrowby's leave to communicate
the letter, nor told him that he had done so; on the contrary, he
gave him to understand that the delay (for which he made many
apologies) was owing to his reflection and his consulting his
brother the bishop. The Duke, no doubt, gave him his own
sentiments; yet, in his letter to Wharncliffe, he says 'he has not
endeavoured to influence anybody, nor shall he;' and at the same
time eludes the essential question 'whether he will support in
Committee.' So much for Tory candour. As to the Duke, he is
evidently piqued and provoked to the quick; his love of power and
authority are as great as ever, and he can't endure to see anybody
withdrawn from his influence; provoked with himself and with
everybody else, his mind is clouded by passion and prejudice, and
the consequences are the ill-humour he displays and the abominable
nonsense he writes, and yet the great mass of these Tories follow
the Duke, go where he will, let the consequences be what they may,
and without requiring even a reason; _sic vult sic jubet_ is
enough for them.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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