The Greville Memoirs, Part 1 (of 3), Volume 2 (of 3): A Journal of the Reigns of King George IV and King William IVGreville, Charles
History
The Greville Memoirs, Part 1 (of 3), Volume 2 (of 3): A Journal of the Reigns of King George IV and King William IV
Greville, Charles
Great Britain -- History -- George IV, 1820-1830; Great Britain -- History -- William IV, 1830-1837
Yesterday morning the Duke of Wellington came here upon some
private business, after discussing which he entered upon the
state of the country. I told him my view of the condition of the
Government and of the House of Commons, and he said, 'You have
hit the two points that I have myself always felt so strongly
about. I told Lord Grey so long ago, and asked him at the time
how he expected to be able to carry on the Government of the
country, to which he never could give any answer, except that it
would all do very well. However, things are not a bit worse than
I always thought they would be. As they are, I mean to support
the Government--support them in every way. The first thing I have
to look to is to keep my house over my head, and the alternative
is between this Government and none at all. I am therefore for
supporting the Government, but then there is so much passion, and
prejudice, and folly, and vindictive feeling, that it is very
difficult to get others to do the same. I hear Peel had only
fifty people with him the other night on some question, though
they say that there are 150 of that party in the House of
Commons. He thinks as ill of the whole thing as possible. [While
I am writing Poodle Byng is come in, who tells me what happened
last night. Althorp made a very bad speech and a wretched
statement; other people spoke, pert and disagreeable, and the
debate looked ill till Stanley rose and made one of the finest
speeches that were ever heard, pounding O'Connell to dust and
attacking him for his 'six hundred scoundrels,' from which he
endeavoured to escape by a miserable and abortive explanation.
Stanley seems to have set the whole thing to rights, like a great
man.]
I told the Duke what Macaulay had said to Denison: 'that if he
had had to legislate, he would, instead of this Bill, have
suspended the laws for five years in Ireland, given the
Lord-Lieutenant's proclamation the force of law, and got the Duke
of Wellington to go there.' He seemed very well pleased at this,
and said, 'Well, that is the way I governed the provinces on the
Garonne in the south of France. I desired the mayors to go on
administering the law of the land, and when they asked me in
whose name criminal suits should be carried on (which were
ordinarily in the name of the Emperor), and if they should be in
the name of the King, I said no, that we were treating with the
Emperor at Chatillon, and if they put forth the King they would
be in a scrape; neither should it be in the Emperor's name,
because we did not acknowledge him, but in that of the Allied
Powers.' In this I think he was wrong (_par parenthese_), for
Napoleon was acknowledged by all the Powers but us, and we were
treating with him, and if he permitted the civil authorities to
administer the law as usual, he should have allowed them to
administer it in the usual legal form. Their civil administration
could not affect any political questions in the slightest degree.
March 4th, 1833 {p.364}
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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