The Greville Memoirs, Part 1 (of 3), Volume 3 (of 3): A Journal of the Reigns of King George IV and King William IVGreville, Charles
History
The Greville Memoirs, Part 1 (of 3), Volume 3 (of 3): A Journal of the Reigns of King George IV and King William IV
Greville, Charles
Great Britain -- History -- George IV, 1820-1830; Great Britain -- History -- William IV, 1830-1837
Yesterday I dined with Robarts, and after dinner he gave me an
account of the state of his borough (Maidstone), and as it is a
tolerably fair sample probably of the real condition of the
generality of boroughs, and of the principles and disposition of
their constituencies, I will put it down. There are 1,200 voters;
the Dissenters are very numerous and of every imaginable sect and
persuasion. He has been member seventeen years; the place very
corrupt. Formerly (before the Reform Bill), when the constituency
was less numerous, the matter was easily and simply conducted; the
price of votes was as regularly fixed as the price of bread--so much
for a single vote and so much for a plumper, and this he had to pay.
After the Reform Bill he resolved to pay no more money, as
corruption was to cease. The consequence was that during his canvass
none of the people who had formerly voted for him would promise him
their votes. They all sulked and hesitated, and, in short, waited to
see what would be offered them. I asked him what were the new
constituencies. 'If possible worse than the old.' The people are
generally alive to public affairs--look into the votes and speeches
of members, give their opinions--but are universally corrupt. They
have a sour feeling against what are nicknamed abuses, rail against
_sinnicures_, as they call them, and descant upon the enormity of
such things while they are forced to work all day long and their
families have not enough to eat. But the one prevailing object among
the whole community is to make money of their votes, and though he
says there are some exceptions, they are very few indeed. Robarts
too is a Reformer, and supports all Whig and reforming Governments;
but he does so (like many others) from fear. What he most dreads is
collision, and most desires is quiet, and he thinks non-resistance
the best way. There is no reason to believe that other
constituencies materially differ from this; what therefore is the
result? Power has been transferred to a low class of persons; so low
as to be dissatisfied and malignant, high enough to be
half-instructed; so poor that money is an object to them, and
without any principle which should deter them from getting it in any
way they can: they may, on the whole, be considered as disaffected
towards existing institutions, for when they contrast their own life
of labour and privation with the wealth and splendour which they see
around them, there is little difficulty in persuading them that they
are grievously wronged, and that the wrong is in the nature of the
institutions themselves. These general considerations make them
therefore lean towards those who promise better things, and strive
to introduce changes; but as their immediate wants are always
uppermost, their votes are generally at the disposal of the highest
bidder, whatever his politics may be.
January 3rd, 1835 {p.185}
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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