The Greville Memoirs, Part 1 (of 3), Volume 3 (of 3): A Journal of the Reigns of King George IV and King William IVGreville, Charles
History
The Greville Memoirs, Part 1 (of 3), Volume 3 (of 3): A Journal of the Reigns of King George IV and King William IV
Greville, Charles
Great Britain -- History -- George IV, 1820-1830; Great Britain -- History -- William IV, 1830-1837
The debate at night was carried on with extraordinary temper and
calmness; Brougham complimented Lyndhurst in very glowing terms.
The matter now stands over till Monday, when the Commons must
determine whether to accept the Bill with these alterations or
reject it on account of them. There is great division of opinion
as to the result, but I cannot bring myself to believe that they
will let the Bill drop for such trifles. I asked Wharncliffe last
night to explain to me in what manner these things would operate
_politically_, and he owned that he thought their political
importance was greatly overrated, but that the division proposed
by Government gave greater influence to numbers, while that
substituted by the Peers gave more to property, and that the
constitution of the town councils, whether they were more or less
Radical or Conservative, would have a political effect in this
way; that in every borough little democracies would be established,
which would be continually exercising a democratic influence and
extending democratic principles, and that the greater the infusion
of Conservative interest you could make in these new bodies the
more that tendency would be counteracted. In my opinion a fallacy
lurks under this argument; they assume the certain democratic,
even revolutionary, character of the new town councils without any
sufficient reason, but if this be so, and if they are correct in
their anticipations, I doubt whether the guards and drawbacks with
which they are endeavouring to counteract the pernicious influence
they dread will be found efficacious. I do not despair of the
prevalence of sound Conservative principles _upon a Liberal
basis_, and it appears to me that the Peers have committed a great
blunder in expressing such violent suspicion and distrust of the
new corporations; that nothing is so likely to make them Radical
as to insist that they must and will be so, or to render them
inimical to the aristocracy and to aristocratic institutions as to
exhibit a violent hostility on the part of the aristocracy towards
them. I apply this observation generally to their way of dealing
with the question rather than to the particular words of the
disputed clause, which is probably on the whole fairer and better
as the Peers amended it than as the Commons framed it, so much so
that I do not understand the tenacity with which the Government
cling to it. One thing is very clear, that neither for this nor
for the justices clause is it worth while (to either party) that
the prevailing harmony should be broken and the Bill be lost. If
both parties were sincerely desirous of an accommodation, and
there was any common interest, any common ground on which they
could meet, there would be no difficulty in an adjustment; but
this is not the case. Not only are the interests and wishes of the
two parties at variance, but the desires of the moderate and the
violent in each party are so too. The moderate in both probably do
wish for an accommodation.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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