The Greville Memoirs, Part 2 (of 3), Volume 1 (of 3): A Journal of the Reign of Queen Victoria from 1837 to 1852Greville, Charles
History
The Greville Memoirs, Part 2 (of 3), Volume 1 (of 3): A Journal of the Reign of Queen Victoria from 1837 to 1852
Greville, Charles
Great Britain -- History -- Victoria, 1837-1901
Lord John Russell's letter to the electors of Stroud[14] came out
late on Friday evening, and three editions were sold of it
yesterday, and not a copy to be had. It is very sound and
temperate, will be a bitter pill to the Radicals, and a source of
vexation to his own people, but will be hailed with exceeding
satisfaction by all moderate and really conservative men of
whatever party. I saw Graham yesterday morning, who owned that it
had fully answered all the expectations held out by me as to his
intentions and opinions.
[14] [This letter appeared in the form of a pamphlet in
which Lord John Russell fearlessly stated his moderate
Whig opinions to the great disgust of the Radical
party.]
[Page Head: JAMAICA BILL.]
[Page Head: THE CABINET RESIGNS.]
The Jamaica Bill is about to produce a fresh crisis much more
difficult to get over than the last, and it puzzles me to make
out why Peel has chosen this ground on which to fight a great and
possibly a decisive battle.[15] The Government, it is true, have
placed themselves by their measure in a false position, because
on their own reasoning their Bill does not go far enough, and
ought to have extended to the dissolution instead of merely to
the suspension of the Assembly, and this was what the Colonial
Office authorities recommended. In a paper drawn up by Henry
Taylor for the use of the Cabinet, he set forth the
incompatibility of the present assembly with the new order of
things, and exposed the absurdity of a system falsely called
representative; but they did not venture to take so decided a
step, and preferred a half measure, which dissatisfies everybody,
and which would only defer the difficulty and embarrassment of a
final settlement. Still, having adopted this course, and
determined to deal with the Colony upon their own responsibility,
I cannot understand why Peel did not let them alone. There was no
popularity to be gained by taking this course; the country does
not care a straw for the constitution of Jamaica, the anti-
slavery feeling is all against the Assembly, and nobody will
believe that the Tories are animated by any high constitutional
scruples, or that they care about the question except as one on
which they can fight a battle. Peel (Graham said) 'offered his
plan in the sincere hope and expectation that Government would
accept it.' Perhaps it may be of the two preferable (though there
is a serious objection to it, in the lapse of time that would
occur before anything could be done), but the Government cannot
come down to Parliament with proposals for administering colonial
affairs in such a manner as they deem necessary and expedient,
and then at the bidding or suggestion of Sir Robert Peel, adopt
another plan of which, while he would be the author, they must be
the responsible executors. This would not be governing, but
handing over the Government to their opponents. If Peel really
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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