[1] [This was a very remarkable letter M. de Tocqueville wrote to me in November, showing the danger of driving France to extremities, which might involve the overthrow of the Government in that country. Tocqueville was always penetrated with the conviction that the throne of Louis Philippe rested on no solid foundation; and undoubtedly the Treaty of July 1840 was a severe blow to its stability, and led to further disputes, and more fatal consequences. The letter in question was shown by me to Lord Lansdowne, and I was told it was read to the Cabinet. At any rate, it was read by Lord Melbourne, who attached great importance to it.--H.R.] January 9th, 1841 {p.363} The other day at Windsor, when Clarendon was sitting talking with Melbourne, the latter in his lounging way, as if thinking aloud, said, 'In all my experience, I never remember such a state of things as the present; I never remember, in the course of my political life, anything at all like it; it can't last--it's impossible this Government can go on; Palmerston in communication with the Tories--Palmerston and Ashley--' and then he stopped. Clarendon said, 'What! you think Palmerston and the Tories will come together?' To which Melbourne nodded assent. 'And which,' Clarendon persevered, 'will come to the other: will Palmerston go to Ashley, or will Ashley come to Palmerston?' To which Melbourne chuckled and grunted, laughed and rubbed his hands, and only said, 'Oh, I don't know.' These are the sentiments of the Prime Minister about his own Government--a strange state of things: while Palmerston is in confidential communication with the Tories, or some of them, for the purpose of obtaining their support to his policy, half of his own colleagues, though committed, being adverse to it, and regarded by him as his worst adversaries. He and John Russell, the two Secretaries of State-- the latter leader of the House of Commons--pass some days together in the house of the former, without exchanging one word upon the subject of foreign policy, and Lord John is reduced to the necessity of gathering in conversation from Neumann and Esterhazy what Palmerston's views and opinions are. These two diplomats expressed the greatest indignation at Ponsonby's proceedings, and Palmerston himself has renewed to Bourqueney the assurances of his resolution to adhere to the engagements he had already made to France with regard to Egypt. Melbourne, however, acknowledged that he was entirely in the dark as to Palmerston's real views and opinions, as he believed was every one of his colleagues. He has no intimacy, no interchange of thought and complete openness with anybody, and all they know is (and that only as soon as he thinks fit to impart it) his notions with regard to each particular question as its exigencies become pressing. His position, however, is now a very remarkable one.