The Greville Memoirs, Part 2 (of 3), Volume 2 (of 3): A Journal of the Reign of Queen Victoria from 1837 to 1852Greville, Charles
History
The Greville Memoirs, Part 2 (of 3), Volume 2 (of 3): A Journal of the Reign of Queen Victoria from 1837 to 1852
Greville, Charles
Great Britain -- History -- Victoria, 1837-1901
We were talking about the false statements which history hands
down, and how useful letters and memoirs are in elucidating obscure
points and correcting false impressions. The Duke said that it
was generally believed, and would be to the end of time, that the
influence exercised by O'Connell over the late Government had been
very great, and it never would be believed that the three great
Irish measures which they adopted were opposed vehemently, instead
of being dictated, by O'Connell, and yet this was the case. One of
these measures everybody knows he opposed--the Poor Law--but the
other two, the Appropriation Clause, and the Irish Municipal Bill,
have always been supposed by the world at large to have been his own
measures. I have, I think, somewhere else noticed his opposition to
the first of these, and his vain attempts to induce John Russell
(who was the author of this very indiscreet measure) to give it up.
The truth of the matter, as regards the Corporation Bill, is rather
more complicated and curious. The Lords made amendments in this
Bill, and the question arose whether Government should take them
or reject them. O'Connell strenuously urged their acceptance, and
asked if it was not a good thing to get rid of the old corporations
on any terms; but the Government, after much discussion, resolved
to reject them, not, however, making their determination known to
O'Connell or to anybody else. While matters were in this state,
O'Connell had some communication with Normanby, from which he inferred
that Government had resolved not to take the Bill, upon which he
immediately determined to anticipate this decision, and to proclaim
his own hostility to the amended Bill, in order that its rejection
might appear to be attributable to him; and accordingly he published
a violent letter in the newspapers, in which he said that the Bill
ought to be indignantly kicked off the table, or some such words. The
Duke of Bedford, who read his letter, and was aware of his previous
opinion, was exceedingly disgusted at what he thought a flagrant
instance of duplicity and hypocrisy, and, happening to meet him one
day alone at Brooks's, he asked him how he reconciled this letter
with the opinions he had previously expressed on the subject, to
which appeal he had no satisfactory reply to make, but only some very
lame excuses in his usual civil and fawning manner. The fact is, that
it suited his purpose to have it supposed that his influence over
the Government was very great, and that he could make them do what
he pleased; and as he gave every colour, by his conduct, to the
accusation of the Tories, it is no wonder that the representation of
his power was much greater than the reality. It was the interest of
the Tories to make this out, as it was O'Connell's own, and it was
vain for the Whigs to deny what facts appeared to prove, and which he
himself tacitly admitted.
[Sidenote: SIR DAVID DUNDAS.]
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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