The Greville Memoirs, Part 2 (of 3), Volume 3 (of 3): A Journal of the Reign of Queen Victoria from 1837 to 1852Greville, Charles
History
The Greville Memoirs, Part 2 (of 3), Volume 3 (of 3): A Journal of the Reign of Queen Victoria from 1837 to 1852
Greville, Charles
Great Britain -- History -- Victoria, 1837-1901
[Footnote 75: He told Martin that he had carefully and elaborately got
up the case, but he could not make the speech, and he begged him to find
a man who would use his materials and speak for him. The man found, he
undertook to provide him with a seat in Parliament. The first man they
applied to was Humphry. George saw and conversed with him, and
immediately said he would not do. They then went to Serjeant Byles. He
was delighted with the Serjeant, and would gladly have taken him, but,
after at first consenting, the Serjeant drew back and declined the task.
After this, Martin asked Frederick Robinson if he knew of a man, when he
replied, 'It is all nonsense, looking out for a man; he must make the
speech himself. Do you think the House of Commons would listen to a
hired orator, brought down for the purpose? They will listen to him and
to nobody else.' This Martin repeated to him, telling him it was very
true; and then he added what I had said about his speech at the Jockey
Club. He said, 'Did he really say so? I thought it very bad, and I was
disgusted at doing it so ill, and making such bad use of the good
materials I had.' The next day he wrote word to Martin that he had made
up his mind to make the attempt himself. This was ten days or a
fortnight before the night on which he spoke.]
[Sidenote: LORD GEORGE'S POLITICAL CAREER.]
The rest of his career is well known. He brought into politics the same
ardour, activity, industry, and cleverness which he had displayed on the
turf, and some of the same cunning and contrivances too. He never was
and never would have been anything like a statesman; he was utterly
devoid of large and comprehensive views, and he was no pursuer and
worshipper of truth. He brought the mind, the habits, and the arts of an
attorney to the discussion of political questions; having once espoused
a cause, and embraced a party, from whatever motive, he worked with all
the force of his intellect and a superhuman power of application in what
he conceived to be the interest of that party and that cause. No
scruples, moral or personal, stood for a moment in his way; he went into
evidence, historical or statistical, not to inform himself and to accept
with a candid and unbiassed mind the conclusions to which reason and
testimony, facts and figures, might conduct him, but to pick out
whatever might fortify his foregone conclusions, casting aside
everything inimical to the cause he was advocating, and seizing all
that could be turned to account by any amount of misrepresentation and
suppression he might find it convenient to employ. It was thus he acted
in the West India Committee; his labour and application were something
miraculous; he conducted the enquiry very ably, but anything but
impartially; having had no political education, and being therefore
unimbued with sound principles on fiscal and commercial questions, he
had everything to learn; and having flung himself headlong into the
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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