The Greville Memoirs, Part 2 (of 3), Volume 3 (of 3): A Journal of the Reign of Queen Victoria from 1837 to 1852Greville, Charles
History
The Greville Memoirs, Part 2 (of 3), Volume 3 (of 3): A Journal of the Reign of Queen Victoria from 1837 to 1852
Greville, Charles
Great Britain -- History -- Victoria, 1837-1901
that there was no avoiding the unpleasant dilemma of the two Governments
being at issue on a matter of fact which involved the good faith of
ours. All this, together with what had already passed, had raised Lord
John's resentment and disgust to a high pitch, and the Duke said that
Lord John had at last resolved not to stand it any longer, although (he
added) he could not feel complete confidence in his firmness and
resolution after all he had seen on various occasions.
Lord John said that the first thing to be done was to settle this matter
as they best might; that they must support Palmerston's assertions, to
which they were bound to give credit; but that when this business was
concluded, in about a month perhaps, he would bring matters to a crisis,
that is, announce to Palmerston that he could not go on in the Foreign
Office. Lord John is at present very angry, and therefore very stout,
but I never can feel sure of him. He is to see the Queen on Tuesday, who
will of course be boiling over with indignation, and if she finds Lord
John at last disposed to take her views of the matter, the affair may
possibly be settled between them.
Meanwhile no words can describe the universal feeling of reprobation,
and almost of shame, with which the replies of Lord Lansdowne and Lord
John were heard on Friday night. The morning arrivals from France had
clearly shown that Lord Lansdowne in one House, and John Russell in the
other, had tried to deceive and mislead by what they had said on
Thursday. On Friday Palmerston did not make his appearance; but the
figures which Lord Lansdowne cut in the Lords and Lord John in the
Commons were most deplorable and humiliating; such shuffling, special
pleading, and paltry evasions were never before heard from public men
of their eminence and character; and of all that has occurred this
discreditable exposure appears to many friends of the Government to be
the most painful part. It appears inconceivable that any men should make
statements the falsehood of which was shown in less than forty-eight
hours; but the explanation is this. In the first place, Palmerston gave
to his colleagues an imperfect and unfaithful account of Drouyn de
Lhuys's communication to him. They were themselves not aware of the
whole truth; but besides this Palmerston gave them to understand that
Drouyn de Lhuys had carried with him such explanations, verbal and
documentary, as would he hoped satisfy his Government, and consequently
that the letter of recall might probably be cancelled, and the affair
arranged. Hoping therefore for this result, they ventured to deny the
recall altogether, but were completely confounded and exposed by the
revelations of Lahitte[117] in the tribune the very same day; and then
they had nothing for it but to try and shuffle out of it in the way they
tried but miserably failed to do. It would have been far better to have
spoken the plain truth, or to have declined to answer till the next day.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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