The Greville Memoirs, Part 2 (of 3), Volume 3 (of 3): A Journal of the Reign of Queen Victoria from 1837 to 1852Greville, Charles
History
The Greville Memoirs, Part 2 (of 3), Volume 3 (of 3): A Journal of the Reign of Queen Victoria from 1837 to 1852
Greville, Charles
Great Britain -- History -- Victoria, 1837-1901
He has been unjustly reviled; but, on the other hand,
it must be acknowledged that, wise as his views, and pure as his motives
may have been, his manner of dealing with his party in reference to the
changes he contemplated, could not fail to excite their indignation. If
they were convinced that the Corn Laws were essential, not merely to the
prosperity, but to the existence, of the landed interest, he had been
mainly instrumental in confirming this conviction. It was indeed a
matter of extraordinary difficulty and nicety to determine at what
precise period he should begin to disclose to his supporters the extent
of the plans which he meditated. His reserve may have been prudent,
possibly indispensable; but although they were not unsuspicious of his
intentions, and distrusted and disliked him accordingly, they were
wholly unprepared for the great revolution which he suddenly proclaimed;
and at such a moment of terror and dismay it was not unnatural that
despair and rage should supersede every other sentiment, and that they
should loudly complain of having been deceived, betrayed, and abandoned.
[Sidenote: PEEL'S DIFFERENCES WITH HIS PARTY.]
The misfortune of Peel all along was, that there was no real community
of sentiment between him and his party, except in respect to certain
great principles, which had ceased to be in jeopardy, and which
therefore required no united efforts to defend them. There was no longer
any danger of organic reforms; the House of Lords and the Church were
not threatened; the great purposes for which Peel had rallied the
Conservative interest had been accomplished; almost from the first
moment of his advent to power in 1841 he and his party stood in a false
position towards each other. He was the liberal chief of a party in
which the old anti-liberal spirit was still rife; they regarded with
jealousy and fear the middle classes, those formidable masses, occupying
the vast space between aristocracy and democracy, with whom Peel was
evidently anxious to ingratiate himself, and whose support he considered
his best reliance. His treatment of both the Catholics and Dissenters
was reluctantly submitted to by his followers, and above all his fiscal
and commercial measures kept them in a state of constant uncertainty and
alarm. There was an unexpressed but complete difference in their
understanding and his of the obligations by which the Government and the
party were mutually connected. They considered Peel to be not only the
Minister, but the creature, of the Conservative party, bound above all
things to support and protect their especial interests according to
their own views and opinions. He considered himself the Minister of the
Nation, whose mission it was to redress the balance which mistaken
maxims or partial legislation had deranged, and to combine the interest
of all classes in one homogeneous system, by which the prosperity and
happiness of the whole commonwealth would be promoted. They thought of
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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