The Greville Memoirs, Part 3 (of 3), Volume 1 (of 2): A Journal of the Reign of Queen Victoria from 1852 to 1860Greville, Charles
History
The Greville Memoirs, Part 3 (of 3), Volume 1 (of 2): A Journal of the Reign of Queen Victoria from 1852 to 1860
Greville, Charles
Great Britain -- History -- Victoria, 1837-1901
_London, March 13th_, 1854.--The only event of recent occurrence was
the dinner given last week to Sir Charles Napier at the Reform Club,
with Lord Palmerston in the chair. Everybody disapproves of the whole
proceeding, which is thought to have been unwise and in bad taste. The
only Ministers there besides Palmerston were Graham and Molesworth, and
the former made an excessively foolish, indiscreet speech, which has
been generally censured, and to-night he is to be called to account for
it in the House of Commons. It is marvellous that a man of mature age,
who has been nearly forty years in public life, should be so rash and
ill-judged in his speeches.[1] There seems now to be a better chance of
John Russell's again putting off his Reform Bill next month. There are
not two opinions, except among the extreme Radicals, of the expediency
of his doing so, and his best friends (including his brother) greatly
regret that he did not put it off _sine die_ instead of to another fixed
day.
[Footnote 1: At this dinner at the Reform Club, Sir James Graham made
an intemperate speech in which he said: 'My gallant friend (Napier) says
that when he goes into the Baltic he will declare war. I, as First Lord
of the Admiralty, give my free consent to do so. I hope the war may be
short, and that it may be sharp.' Sir Charles Napier's subsequent
performances in the Baltic did not at all correspond to this heroic
language, and did not add to his former reputation.]
_March 20th._--There has been a little episode, not very important, but
which being entirely personal caused some noise in the world. About a
week ago, or perhaps more, appeared the Petersburg 'Gazette' with a sort
of manifesto, complaining bitterly of the conduct of the British
Government, which was said to be the more inexcusable as a confidential
correspondence had taken place between the two Governments, and we had
been all along informed of their views and intentions. The 'Times'
published this (as did all the other papers), and with it a peremptory
denial of its truth, stating that John Russell, then Foreign Secretary,
had sent an indignant refusal to the proposals made to us. Derby took
this up in the House of Lords, complaining of State secrets having been
imparted to the 'Times,' and insinuating his belief that Aberdeen had
communicated them. Aberdeen denied the imputation with some resentment,
and said that a flagrant breach of confidence had been certainly
committed, and he had reason to believe that the culprit was a man
formerly in the Foreign Office as clerk, though now out of it, who had
been appointed by Lord Malmesbury. On this Malmesbury flared up, and
desired to know his name, which Aberdeen said he did not know. On a
subsequent night Malmesbury again took the matter up, and challenged
Aberdeen to give the name and produce his proof. Aberdeen said he had
received the information in a way which left no doubt on his mind of its
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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