The Greville Memoirs, Part 3 (of 3), Volume 1 (of 2): A Journal of the Reign of Queen Victoria from 1852 to 1860Greville, Charles
History
The Greville Memoirs, Part 3 (of 3), Volume 1 (of 2): A Journal of the Reign of Queen Victoria from 1852 to 1860
Greville, Charles
Great Britain -- History -- Victoria, 1837-1901
Disraeli urged Layard to persevere. Granville
told me yesterday that while he lamented that Aberdeen was not a more
judicious and conciliating leader in the House of Lords, and was so
inferior in this respect to Lord Lansdowne, he liked him very much,
thought he was a very good Prime Minister, and, above all, anything but
deficient in political courage, in which respect he was by no means
inferior to Palmerston himself.
THE INDIA BILL CARRIED.
The Government have been going on well enough on the whole. Their
immense majority on the India Bill was matter of general surprise, and
showed the wretched tactics of Disraeli, as well as his small influence
over his party, for he could not get one hundred of the Tories to go
with him. A few small holes have been made in Gladstone's Budget, but
nothing of consequence. Tom Baring, however, told me he thought
Gladstone had made some great mistakes, and that Graham would have been
a better Chancellor of the Exchequer; but this I much doubt. Popularity
is very necessary to a Chancellor of the Exchequer, and Graham would
never have been so persuasive with the House as Gladstone.
WARLIKE VIEWS OF LORD PALMERSTON.
_July 12th._--The 'Times' newspaper, always famous for its versatility
and inconsistency, has lately produced articles on the Eastern Question
on the same day of the most opposite characters, one warlike and firm,
the next vehemently pacific by some other hand. This is of small
importance, but it is indicative of the difference which exists in the
Cabinet on the subject, and the explanation of the inconsistency of the
'Times' is to be found in the double influence which acts on the paper.
All along Palmerston has been urging a vigorous policy, and wished to
employ more peremptory language and stronger measures towards Russia,
while Aberdeen has been very reluctant to do as much as we have done,
and would have been well content to advise Turkey to accept the last
ultimatum of Russia, and so terminate what he considers a senseless and
mischievous quarrel. Clarendon has had to steer between these two
extremes, and while moderating the ardour of Palmerston, to stimulate
Aberdeen, and persuade him to adopt a course congenial to public opinion
in this country, which, however inclined to peace and abhorrent of war,
is not at all disposed to connive at the aggrandisement of Russia, or to
submit to the insolent dictation of the Emperor. The majority of the
Cabinet have supported Clarendon, and approximate more nearly to the
pacific policy of Aberdeen than to the stringent measures of Palmerston.
When the two articles appeared in the 'Times,' to which I particularly
allude, Clarendon approved of the first, and found great fault with the
other, while Aberdeen wrote to Delane and expressed his strong
approbation of the second, and his conviction that the public would
sooner or later take the views therein set forth. Clarendon tells me
that he has no doubt Aberdeen has on many occasions held language in
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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