The Greville Memoirs, Part 3 (of 3), Volume 1 (of 2): A Journal of the Reign of Queen Victoria from 1852 to 1860Greville, Charles
History
The Greville Memoirs, Part 3 (of 3), Volume 1 (of 2): A Journal of the Reign of Queen Victoria from 1852 to 1860
Greville, Charles
Great Britain -- History -- Victoria, 1837-1901
this storm has blown over, as Lord John has signified to Aberdeen that
he does not mean to press the matter again for the present. The Queen,
when it was mentioned to her, was anything but approving of or
consenting to the change.
THEIR MISCHIEVOUS EFFECTS.
In all this matter there is little doubt that Lord John has been
instigated by his connexions, and they none of them, Lord John himself
included, have sense enough to see that the course he is adopting is
quite suicidal, and would be not less fatal to his own reputation and
popularity than to the Government he belongs to. He failed as Prime
Minister, and no credit attended his Administration, and no regret his
fall. The popularity he lost, he in good measure regained by his conduct
on the formation of this Government, when he waived his own pretensions,
and for the public good consented, after having held the first place, to
accept the second; but the world does not know how reluctantly and
grudgingly he did this, and how sorely his pride and vanity suffered on
that occasion. The position he occupied of leader of the House of
Commons without an office was anomalous, and many thought it
objectionable, but he himself insisted on it, and it proved successful.
The House of Commons not only accepted it, but were pleased to see a man
so eminent eschewing office with its functions and emoluments, and
gratuitously devoting himself to the service and the business of
Parliament. He became popular again in the House, and would have been
more so if he had not chosen to quit the Treasury Bench early every
afternoon, and go down to Richmond, leaving Palmerston to do his work,
and ingratiate himself with the House. Aberdeen reminded Lord John that
this position, which he now found intolerable, was one he had chosen to
make for himself; that he had not only declared he could not form a
Government, but that every office had been at his disposal, and he had
been invited to take the greatest offices, or, if he preferred it, any
smaller one, but that he had insisted on holding none. Aberdeen is quite
right not to resign now, or before Parliament meets, where he must
appear as Minister to defend his own policy.
I expect that Lord John will not renew his demands for some time, if at
all; but if he does, this is what will probably take place. The
Government will be broken up, Lord John will try to form one and will
fail, and the Government will again be constituted minus Lord John.
Nobody would, I think, go out with him. This is supposing (which I think
certain) that Palmerston would not make common cause with him, but
prefer to remain with the rest. There would then remain the great
difficulty of the lead of the House of Commons and the part Palmerston
would play; but, dangerous as it would be, it would probably be found
necessary to trust him with the lead, most distasteful though it would
be both to Aberdeen and to the Queen.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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