The Greville Memoirs, Part 3 (of 3), Volume 2 (of 2): A Journal of the Reign of Queen Victoria from 1852 to 1860Greville, Charles
History
The Greville Memoirs, Part 3 (of 3), Volume 2 (of 2): A Journal of the Reign of Queen Victoria from 1852 to 1860
Greville, Charles
Great Britain -- History -- Victoria, 1837-1901
There were two courses open to the Government, either of which might
have been very naturally and not improperly taken. Palmerston might
have announced that it was not his intention to produce any of the
correspondence between the two Governments, and asked the House of
Commons to place confidence in him, and allow him to take the steps
he deemed best to satisfy the French Government, and at the same
time vindicate the honour and dignity of this country, and if he had
stated that he thought it would be injurious to the interests of
peace and amity to produce any papers, it is perfectly certain he
would have met with unanimous acquiescence. The only objection I have
heard to this is that the French Government published the despatch
in the 'Moniteur;' but if Palmerston had resolved upon silence here,
he could have informed Cowley of his resolution, and instructed him
to come to a common agreement with Walewski that they should publish
nothing in the 'Moniteur,' and we should keep the correspondence from
Parliament here. Not acting in this way, he ought to have sent an
answer, and who can suppose that such men as Palmerston and Clarendon,
whose lives have been passed in writing despatches, and who are both
so remarkably expert at that work, should be unable to concoct a
reply to Walewski which should be conciliatory in tone and matter,
and at once suffice for the fears and exigencies of France and for
the national pride and honour of England? Clarendon's private letter
is said to have been excellent, and of course it must have been well
adapted for its purposes. What difficulty could there have been,
therefore, in converting the private into a public letter, which if
it had accompanied the French letter would have pacified both the
House of Commons and the country, for the Government ought not to
have forgotten, as it seems they did, that the English and French
Governments were not the only parties in this transaction, but there
were the English Government and the House of Commons and the country,
between whom accounts had to be settled. There are people who fancy
that Palmerston was not sorry to be beaten on Milner Gibson's motion,
thinking it better to go out upon that than upon the motion against
Clanricarde on March 4 (the abolition of the Privy Seal), on which they
think they certainly would have been defeated, and on which they must
have resigned; but I don't think their defeat on the latter was so
certain, and they might have been saved by Clanricarde's resignation
before the debate came on. The conduct of those who brought forward and
those who supported the vote of censure, and that of the Government in
going out upon it, admits of much diversity of opinion. The friends
of the Government, and those who were averse to a change, maintain
that the amendment was inexcusable, and that the House of Commons
had no business to meddle with the functions of the Executive, or to
express any opinion as to the propriety of answering or not a despatch
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