The Greville Memoirs, Part 3 (of 3), Volume 2 (of 2): A Journal of the Reign of Queen Victoria from 1852 to 1860Greville, Charles
History
The Greville Memoirs, Part 3 (of 3), Volume 2 (of 2): A Journal of the Reign of Queen Victoria from 1852 to 1860
Greville, Charles
Great Britain -- History -- Victoria, 1837-1901
for thus coming to their aid as it was called, and concerting such a
measure (as he was accused of doing) with Disraeli himself. The 'Times'
attacked him with the utmost bitterness, and there is a general clamour
against him on the part of the late Government and their friends. It
is not very easy to divine his true motives in this matter. To judge
by the asperity with which he has spoken of the Government bill, one
should not suppose he could be moved by any auxiliary purpose to them,
and I do not believe there has been any concert, direct or indirect,
between them; but as all parties agree that the Government have derived
advantage from his move, the rage he has excited is not unreasonable,
and the breach between him and the Palmerstonian Whigs is much widened,
and become more difficult to heal. Granville, who I suppose speaks the
sentiments of his colleagues, says that it is evident they could not
return to office with the _same_ Government exactly as before, and
that it is not desirable to turn the Government out at present, even
if they could, and he thinks it would not be wise to attempt to carry
Palmerston's India Bill, in which it is not sure they should succeed.
He thinks there _was_ concert between Lord John and Disraeli, not
direct, but through Horsman, and he says that George Lewis, so far from
approving his Resolutions, strongly protested against them; but it is
not impossible to reconcile two statements which seem at first sight to
be directly opposed to each other. Lord John says he imparted to George
Lewis and Macaulay his _scheme_ (i.e. of drawing up Resolutions), not
the Resolutions themselves, while George Lewis seems to deny approval
of the Resolutions; but this is only a possible solution of the
apparent contradictions.
I told Granville that all that was now happening only served to confirm
my original opinion, that they were wrong in resigning, and that there
was no occasion for their doing so, and they now saw how difficult
it was, when they had let this Government in, to get them out again,
and he not only had not a word to say in reply, but all he did was
rather indicative of concurrence in my opinion. In the most palmy days
of party government, and when the old traditions with regard to the
relations of Government with the House of Commons were in full force,
it was not considered as an invariable and unavoidable necessity that
a Government when beaten on an important question must go out. I
recollect the Government of the day in 1815 being beaten on the Income
Tax, without therefore resigning, and it is so obvious that the vote on
the French despatch did not imply any general withdrawal of confidence
and support, that I never shall believe they would have resigned as
they did unless they had thought they should gain more strength and
power by doing so without losing their places, and consequently that
they were caught in a trap of their own setting.
[Sidenote: MR. DISRAELI'S BUDGET.]
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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