The heart of Asia : $b A history of Russian Turkestan and the Central Asian Khanates from the earliest timesSkrine, Francis Henry
History
The heart of Asia : $b A history of Russian Turkestan and the Central Asian Khanates from the earliest times
Skrine, Francis Henry
Asia, Central -- History; Asia, Central -- Relations -- Russia; Russia -- Relations -- Asia, Central
the highly developed mechanism imported from the West. They dread the
responsibility of granting citizenship to two and a half millions of
Asiatics, spread over an area of 80,000 square miles, which costs them
nothing to administer, while its products swell the growing volume of
the empire’s commerce.
CHAPTER X
SAMARKAND
Samarkand is 150 miles by rail from Bokhārā. The line follows the
course of the Zarafshān, and passes through a carefully tilled country,
a large proportion of which is under cotton.[725] Rather less than
two-thirds is grown from acclimatised American seed (_gorsypium
hirsutum_) introduced by the Russians, whose persistent aim it has been
to render their mills independent of the United States. The seed is
sown in April, on soil which has been well ploughed and harrowed, the
proportion allowed being 21 pounds per acre. The fields are irrigated
thrice and kept scrupulously free from weeds. Towards the end of
September the ripe pods are picked and exposed in heaps for sale. In
average years an acre yields 1400 pounds, and gives a net return of
£5, 10s., considerably more than other crops. But the cultivator has
to face extraordinary fluctuations in market prices. In 1895, though
the harvest was exceptional in bulk and quality, the price advanced
to 4d. per pound, and the acre yielded £8. This flood of wealth thus
poured into the cultivator’s lap was the better appreciated because
the lowering of railway rates has rendered the production of bread
stuffs unremunerative. In point of fact, the Central Asian farmer is
suffering, like his comrade of the West, from the effect of free-trade
dogmas. The Russian Empire is a world within itself, blessed with
every variety of soil and climate, and gives ample scope for Cobden’s
theories. But cotton is essentially an object for _petite culture_.
Plantations have been tried without success, and few who raise this
lucrative crop devote to it more than one-eighth of their farm; in
other words, a plot of three-fourths of an acre. The intense pressure
of population on the soil causes a keen demand for cotton lands, and
speculators take advantage of the limited supply to engross large
areas, and sublet them in plots to tenants who agree to bring them the
whole produce. The profits are supposed to be divided equally, but
the landlord of course retains the lion’s share. The raw cotton is
sold in open market, and is either exported in the pod or purchased by
capitalists owning cotton-cleaning mills.[726] Speaking generally, the
prospects of the cultivator in the rich valley of the Zarafshān are not
very promising. The soil is a yellow loam of great natural richness,
but the incessant demands of a teeming population, continued for
hundreds, nay thousands, of years, have brought it within measurable
distance of exhaustion. Manuring is an imperative necessity, but cattle
are few owing to the absence of grazing grounds and fodder; and the
process can be repeated only once in three, or even six years.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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