The heart of the railroad problem: The history of railway discrimination in the United States, the chief efforts at control and the remedies proposed, with hints from other countriesParsons, Frank
History
The heart of the railroad problem: The history of railway discrimination in the United States, the chief efforts at control and the remedies proposed, with hints from other countries
Parsons, Frank
Railroads -- Freight -- Rates -- United States; Railroads and state -- United States
The truth is that England never attempted anything like the system of
regulation embodied in the Hepburn Bill; never delegated to any
commission the power to fix reasonable rates or make reasonable
regulations in place of rates or regulations found on complaint and
hearing to be unjust, but she has done and continues to do the other
thing that President Hadley gives us to understand she has tried and
abandoned, viz., the intrusting of power to a Railway Commission to
render final decision on questions of fact.
In the _Transcript_ of April 1, 1905, President Hadley says he “urged
that a single hearing in the railroad court was better than two
successive hearings by two different kinds of bodies. Mr. Hepburn’s
committee desires to avoid the double hearing, but it undertakes to do
it by eliminating the court instead of the Commission. There is reason
to fear that this plan will not work.”
That may be true. There is reason to fear that no plan for government
control of these giant interests will work so long as the ownership is
divorced from the said control. As stated in the text, one of the ablest
and most honorable of our railroad presidents, in answer to my question
as to what would happen if the Interstate Commission were really given
power to fix rates, replied, “The Commission would have to be
controlled, that’s all.” And when I quoted this to one of the leading
members of the Interstate Commission his comment was, “I always said the
railroads would own the Commission as soon as it was worth owning.”
Even without owning the Commission the railroads can block it pretty
effectually by secret practices, extensive forgetfulness on the witness
stand, persistent persecution of shippers who make complaint, cunning
evasions, and interminable litigation. It is quite likely the proposed
regulation will not realize what is hoped for from it, but we cannot
predict such failure from English experience as President Hadley does
when he says, “The history of English railroad regulation shows that a
similar measure, passed under closely analogous circumstances, failed to
do the good which its advocates expected. The same failure is likely to
be repeated in the United States.” The Hepburn Bill in its scope and
directness is very different from anything that England has attempted.
It is quite likely that England may try some more vigorous measure than
she has yet adopted, but in spite of all her efforts at regulation Mr.
W. M. Acworth, the classic railway writer of England from the railway
standpoint, corresponding to President Hadley in this country, told me a
few months ago that dissatisfaction with the railway situation is so
great in England that “9 out of 10 would vote for public ownership of
the roads if the question were submitted to-morrow.”
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
Reviews
Reviews
No reviews yet
Be the first to share your thoughts on this work.
Elsewhere in the archive
Join the Discussion
Join the discussion
Sign in to leave a comment or review.
Sign InorCreate an account