"It is necessary to a clear apprehension of the needful facts
in this discussion to remember events in the proper order of
time. The Fourteenth Amendment was submitted to the States June
13, 1866. In the autumn of that year, or very early in 1867,
the legislatures of all the insurrectionary States, except
Tennessee, had rejected it. Thus and then the question was
forced upon us, whether the Congress of the United States,
composed wholly of men who had been loyal to the Government, or
the legislatures of the rebel states, composed wholly of men
who had been disloyal to the Government, should determine the
basis on which their relation to the Union should be resumed.
In such a crisis the Republican party could not hesitate; to
halt, indeed, would have been an abandonment of the principles
on which the war had been fought; to surrender to the rebel
legislatures would have been cowardly desertion of its loyal
friends and a base betrayal of the Union cause.
"And thus, in March, 1867, after and because of the rejection
of the Fourteenth Amendment by Southern legislatures, Congress
passed the reconstruction act. This was the origin of Negro
suffrage. The southern whites knowingly and willfully brought
it upon themselves. The reconstruction act would have never
been demanded had the Southern States accepted the Fourteenth
Amendment in good faith. But that amendment contained so many
provisions demanded by considerations of great national policy
that its adoption became an absolute necessity. Those who
controlled the Federal Government would have been recreant to
their plainest duty had they permitted the power of these
States to be wielded by disloyal hands against the measures
deemed essential to the security of the Union. To have
destroyed the rebellion on the battlefield and then permit it
to seize the power of eleven States and put a check on all
changes in the organic law necessary to prevent future
rebellion would have been a weak and wicked conclusion to the
grandest contest ever waged for human rights and for
constitutional liberty.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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