The History of Antiquity, Vol. 6 (of 6)Duncker, Max
History
The History of Antiquity, Vol. 6 (of 6)
Duncker, Max
History, Ancient
Other Greeks explain the crimes of Cambyses in a more
natural manner. Diodorus is of opinion that he was naturally furious and
changeful in his moods; the greatness of the kingdom made him yet wilder
and more proud of spirit, and after the capture of Pelusium and Memphis
he could not bear his prosperity as a man should.[186] The "Laws" (of
Plato) lay the blame on the education of Cambyses. In the field from his
youth, surrounded by war and danger, Cyrus left the education of his
sons to the royal women, and overlooked the fact that his children were
not brought up and educated in the customary Persian manner. The women
and eunuchs brought them up as if they needed no control, and, while yet
mere children, were prosperous and perfect men. No one was allowed to
contradict them; all must praise what they said or did; thus they grew
up luxurious and uncontrolled; their spirits were over-full of ambition.
When after such adulation and uncontrolled freedom they grew up and
received the kingdom, one slew the other, enraged at his equal position,
and then, maddened by drink and debauchery, lost the dominion owing to
the Medes and the so-called eunuch, who despised the foolishness of
Cambyses.[187]
It is more difficult to trace the tendencies of the poetical source
which has become united with the legends in the narrative of Herodotus
than to separate the legends themselves, and fix the motives which have
determined the conception and judgment of the Greeks about Cambyses.
From what other source could the vision of Cambyses, the shot into the
heart of the cup-bearer, have come, or the conversations of Cambyses
with Prexaspes, or the final words of Cambyses? If these traits are only
before us as fragments at third or fourth hand, their connection with
the narrative of the campaign against the long-lived Ethiopians is
undeniable (the bow of the Ethiopians is the point of connection). And
if we call to mind that in his last exhortations to his two sons, Cyrus
calls down blessings on the son who remains well disposed to his
brother, and imprecates curses on the son who is the first to do evil
(p. 123), the structure of the poem becomes clear. It founds the
misfortune of Cambyses on his disobedience to his father's command, and
exhibits the penalty of disobedience and crime committed against a
brother. Smerdis is able to draw the bow of the Ethiopian further than
Cambyses and all the other Persians. This excites envy and jealousy in
his brother, who sends Smerdis back to Persia. Then in a dream he sees
him on the throne, and his head reaches to heaven. He sends Prexaspes to
Persia, who slays the son of Cyrus in the chase and buries him with his
own hand. The instrument of the murder is quickly overtaken by
punishment. Had Cambyses slain Prexaspes himself intentionally or in
anger, it would be conceivable; but the murder of his son is
unintelligible. Only poetical justice could execute vengeance for the
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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